Monday, June 22, 2009

Perbicaraan Anwar Ibrahim ditunda ke 8 Julai

KUALA LUMPUR 22 Jun – Perbicaraan kes liwat yang dihadapi oleh Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim yang sepatutnya diadakan di Mahkamah Tinggi di sini mulai 1 Julai ditangguhkan kepada 8 Julai.

Hakim, Datuk Mohamad Zabidin Mohd. Diah menetapkan tarikh tersebut bagi mendengar dua permohonan lain yang dikemukakan oleh Anwar.

Hakim tersebut menetapkan 1 Julai untuk mendengar permohonan Anwar supaya dibekalkan dengan dokumen dan barangan berkaitan kes liwat bekas pembantunya, Mohd. Saiful Bukhari Azlan.

Mahkamah juga akan mendengar pada 8 Julai ini permohonan Ketua Pembangkang tersebut untuk membatalkan pertuduhan liwat yang dihadapinya. - Utusan

Komen: Inilah yang dimahukan oleh Anwar Ibrahim, tangguh sehingga beliau mati. Anwar tetap Anwar ada sahaja alasannya untuk menangguhkan perbicaraan.

Friday, June 12, 2009

Terkenang Masa Dahulu

Aku malas nak menulis berkenaan politik maklumlah dah lama pencen. Kalau di UIA dulu bukan nak sombong jadi mangsa rujukan politik akulah. Sampai jumpa lecturer pun bukan berkenaan dengan masalah pelajaran, politik yang paling banyak disembangkan. Prof Moten, what u'r view about our local political scene nowadays. Menyibuk saja hinggakan Abdul Rahman Tang pun aku sempat ajukan Ustaz dari parti mana MCA ke DAP? Ahahahahahah, biasanya aku lihat banyak lecturers kat UIA nie ada tiga aliran, Yang beraliran anti-establishment banyak kat AIKOL manakala yang pro-establishment pulak kat Student Affairs dan Econs . Tapi setakat yang aku pernah tahu takdalah pulak yang cuba untuk menunjukkan fikrah masing-masing. Selepas aku graduate tak taulah tapi sejak akhir-akhir ini, ada dah yang menunjukkan taring sebenar.

Ah aku malas nak layan. Sejak aku kena kutuk oleh pro wufi macam dah serik pulak aku nak bercakap pasal politik. Biasanya aktiviti aku semasa di semester akhir ialah dengan membuat discussion dengan members seperti Munawar dan Sean. Biasanya sembang politik secara rasional dengan mengaitkan teori konspirasi. Lepas tu kalau ada banyak masa melepak dengan Zainal dan geng Din kelantan. Aku tak kisahlah kalau mereka tu pro-pas ke atau pro-UMNO€ apa yang penting kami happy apabila bercerita. Kadangkala seronok jugak bersembang sehingga jam 3 pagi. Alahai kesian Munawar kena balik hostel jam 3 pagi. Biasanya ada lagi discussion yang kami buat yang biasanya menaikkan darah iaitu isu Dunia. Aha aha.

 

Dalam tahun 2006 aku tidak balik kerana isu Baitulmal aku, sehinggakan mengundi pun aku tidak balik. Perkara yang aku terkilan sehingga kini. Mengundi untuk memilih ADUN, benda yang penting sekali.

 

Nasib baiklah pada waktu tue Radio Sarawak ada menyiarkan lintas langsung terus ke K.L so dapatlah aku melepaskan rindu selama 13 jam dengan radio sarawak. Gara-gara Pilihanraya negeri, aku dah siap pada malamnya dengan pen dan pamplet untuk mendapatkan keputusan rasmi. Maka aku dan Munawarlah yang ada kat bilik waktu tu. He he apa lagi kami buatlah analisis berdasarkan suratkhabar yang aku beli sejak dari hari penamaan calon. Best gila sampai 2 pagi aku dan Munawar buat analisis. Macam bodoh jugak perbuatan aku macam disuruh pulak. So apabila analisis dibuat tahulah kami trend pengundian di negeri Sarawak, BN cuma boleh mengharapkan sokongan Bumiputera manakala Bukan Bumiputera dah bagi solid kat DAP dan PKR, terutama di kawasan bandar.

 

Apa sebabnya? Akan dijelaskan pada bulan 10 nanti iaitu masa panas untuk memperkatakan tentang pilihanraya Sarawak. Masih ada lagi keratan akhbar, majalah dan juga buku berkenaan dengan pilihanraya negeri Sarawak. Walaupun melabur hampir RM 400 untuk membeli buku yang kebanyakannya original tapi aku tak kisah yang penting aku dapat apa yang aku hendak. 

Terkenang Masa Dahulu

Aku malas nak menulis berkenaan politik maklumlah dah lama pencen. Kalau di UIA dulu bukan nak sombong jadi mangsa rujukan politik akulah. Sampai jumpa lecturer pun bukan berkenaan dengan masalah pelajaran, politik yang paling banyak disembangkan. Prof Moten, what u'r view about our local political scene nowadays. Menyibuk saja hinggakan Abdul Rahman Tang pun aku sempat ajukan Ustaz dari parti mana MCA ke DAP? Ahahahahahah, biasanya aku lihat banyak lecturers kat UIA nie ada tiga aliran, Yang beraliran anti-establishment banyak kat AIKOL manakala yang pro-establishment pulak kat Student Affairs dan Econs . Tapi setakat yang aku pernah tahu takdalah pulak yang cuba untuk menunjukkan fikrah masing-masing. Selepas aku graduate tak taulah tapi sejak akhir-akhir ini, ada dah yang menunjukkan taring sebenar.

Ah aku malas nak layan. Sejak aku kena kutuk oleh pro wufi macam dah serik pulak aku nak bercakap pasal politik. Biasanya aktiviti aku semasa di semester akhir ialah dengan membuat discussion dengan members seperti Munawar dan Sean. Biasanya sembang politik secara rasional dengan mengaitkan teori konspirasi. Lepas tu kalau ada banyak masa melepak dengan Zainal dan geng Din kelantan. Aku tak kisahlah kalau mereka tu pro-pas ke atau pro-UMNO€ apa yang penting kami happy apabila bercerita. Kadangkala seronok jugak bersembang sehingga jam 3 pagi. Alahai kesian Munawar kena balik hostel jam 3 pagi. Biasanya ada lagi discussion yang kami buat yang biasanya menaikkan darah iaitu isu Dunia. Aha aha.

 

Dalam tahun 2006 aku tidak balik kerana isu Baitulmal aku, sehinggakan mengundi pun aku tidak balik. Perkara yang aku terkilan sehingga kini. Mengundi untuk memilih ADUN, benda yang penting sekali.

 

Nasib baiklah pada waktu tue Radio Sarawak ada menyiarkan lintas langsung terus ke K.L so dapatlah aku melepaskan rindu selama 13 jam dengan radio sarawak. Gara-gara Pilihanraya negeri, aku dah siap pada malamnya dengan pen dan pamplet untuk mendapatkan keputusan rasmi. Maka aku dan Munawarlah yang ada kat bilik waktu tu. He he apa lagi kami buatlah analisis berdasarkan suratkhabar yang aku beli sejak dari hari penamaan calon. Best gila sampai 2 pagi aku dan Munawar buat analisis. Macam bodoh jugak perbuatan aku macam disuruh pulak. So apabila analisis dibuat tahulah kami trend pengundian di negeri Sarawak, BN cuma boleh mengharapkan sokongan Bumiputera manakala Bukan Bumiputera dah bagi solid kat DAP dan PKR, terutama di kawasan bandar.

 

Apa sebabnya? Akan dijelaskan pada bulan 10 nanti iaitu masa panas untuk memperkatakan tentang pilihanraya Sarawak. Masih ada lagi keratan akhbar, majalah dan juga buku berkenaan dengan pilihanraya negeri Sarawak. Walaupun melabur hampir RM 400 untuk membeli buku yang kebanyakannya original tapi aku tak kisah yang penting aku dapat apa yang aku hendak. 

Thursday, June 11, 2009

Logo Perkhidmatan Awam Sarawak Baru

























Dilancarkan pada Mac 2009


Cita-cita tidak kesampaian untuk berkhidmat dengan Kerajaan Negeri. Tetapi Alhamdulillah berkhidmat juga dengan Kerajaan Persekutuan. Jawatan bukan untuk glamor tetapi amanah lebih-lebih lagi aku seorang guru.

Motto perkhidmatan aku

"Integriti" - simple dan padat





Sumber bahan daripada: Kementerian Kemudahan Awam Sarawak
                                            Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia
                                            Ensiklopedia bebas wikipedia

Wednesday, June 10, 2009

Kuburan Rosli, Pak Bujang, Morshidi dan Awang Rambli di Masjid Annur Sibu















Sumber : http://pemudapbb46.blogspot.com


Panggilan- Mu Yang Suci


Panggilan-Mu yang Suci

Wahai pemuda harapan bangsa
Segeralah bangun membuatkan jasa
Kebangunanmu menyedarkan Melayu bangsa
Kehalusan kemajuan aman sentosa

Wahai pemuda bercita suci
Kekalkan Sarawak negara kita yang asli
Meskipun bagaimana ancaman terjadi
Hendaklah sehidup semati

Mengibarkan bendera menggambarkan hati
Menunjukkan rupa bangsa dan negeri
Mengenangkan hak di tanah air sendiri

Wahai pemuda yang bersemangatkan gelisah
Insaflah pada perjuangan bangsa
Lambat-bangat ditakzir Allah
Bangsa dan tanah air tetap merdeka

Kudos to  http://sejarah2u.blogspot.com

Warkah Terakhir untuk Orang Negara Sarawak

Surat di bawah merupakan warkah terakhir Rosli Dhoby kepada ra'ayat Sarawak. Surat ini telah diserahkan oleh Rosli kepada seorang warden yang amat dipercayainya bernama Sumarja Muhammad, atau Pak S. Oleh itu atas nama perjuangan yang belum selesai saya berharap selagi nafas kita masih ada sebarkanlah surat ini untuk kita kemudi negeri Sarawak ini untuk agama bangsa dan tanah air.


Dengan secharek kertas ini dan se‑putung pensil untuk renungan sepanjang masa. Saya si‑penulis Rosli Dhobi dalam lindungan Permai. Saudara2 dan saudari2 sa‑perjuangan, saya ta' lama lagi akan meninggalkan jejak tanah tumpah darakku yang ku chintai, dan utama sekali ayah bunda yang ku kasehi dan saudara2 semua, dengan nama Allah sifat pemurah dan pengampun saya menyusun 10 jari mohon ampun dan maaf atas kesalahan saya yang telah terjadi selama ini, saga sanggup berkorban nyawa untuk memperbaiki raayat yang telah di‑ budaki oleh penjajah, saya mengaku dan terima apa2 kesalahan di dunia ini saya ta'genter saya ta'takut mati, saya terima hukuman yang telah di jatohkan di‑mahkamah.


Saya berdoa kepada Allah s. w. t. Saudara2 saudari2 di‑akhir kelak balek ke‑pengkuan Ibu‑pertiwi. Sungguh begitu saya sudah sanggup menghapuskan orang putih yang berasin dan datang‑nya tetapi saya sudah tidak ada di dunia ini nama saya tetap harum seluroh Dunia sa‑genap plusuk. Akhir kata, hey! Saudara2 Saudari2 sekalian berjuanglah jangan mundur majulah ka hadapan


Amin ya rabbul alamin berkat do a laillahaitlahi Munamada rasululah. Dan saga uchapkan jutaan terima kasih kepada saudara Pa. S. Allah sahajalah yang akan membalas budi jasa‑nya dengan penuh layanan, nasiha yang belom pernah di‑dengar oleh saya dari awal hingga akhir.


Harapan ini 
surat jangan sekali di‑beri sesiapa pun. Simpan baik‑bai, barangkali di‑lain masa ada guna‑nya.


Ditulis pada 1‑3‑1950

Saya yang akan meninggalkan endah ini,

R.D.


Tanggal 2 Mac 1950 beliau telah dijatuhkan hukuman gantung dan dikebumikan di Penjara Kuching bersama-sama Awang Rambli Mohd Deli , Bujang Suntong dan Morshidi Sidek.

Selepas 46 tahun bersemadi di penjara Kuching tanpa bernisan, tulang-temulang mereka kemudiannya dikebumikan semula di Masjid An-Nur Sibu pada 2 Mac 1996. Al Fatihah

Today in History

Article Excerpt
After raiders from Indonesian Kalimantan killed the Chief Minister's brother on 27 June 1965, retribution fell on the local Chinese, although Special Branch investigations indicated they had not been directly involved in the raid on the 18th Mile police station. British military leaders and the head of the Malaysian Police Force pressed for the immediate resettlement of some 60,000 Chinese in areas where there were communists. Fortunately for many Chinese, the voice of an Acting Chief Secretary prevailed and resettlement was limited to some 8,000 living in the vicinity of the raid. (1) The Acting Chief Secretary was John Pike. 

********** 

The ending of World War Two in Europe (4 May 1945) signaled the beginning of the end for Japanese supremacy in the Far East. By then John Pike, who had studied Japanese at university, was a captain in the Intelligence Corps. (2) He had been commissioned in late 1943 upon his arrival in India, attached very briefly to the Rajputana Rifles, then posted to Advanced HQ, 11 Army Group, Ceylon, where he was sworn in to the Ultra [secret] list. (3) He worked on the Japanese Order of Battle, which was essential for the planning of Operation Zipper to oust the Japanese occupying forces from Malaya. (4) After leave and more study of Japanese, Pike was about to begin parachute training to go with the paratroopers on Operation Zipper when the atom bomb was dropped on Hiroshima. (5) Immediately the airdrop part of Operation Zipper was canceled and Pike was posted to Pegu in Burma. After the Japanese surrender on 2 September 1945, he became involved in looking into war crimes with an emphasis on segregating Japanese soldiers who were to be tried for war crimes from those to be repatriated. 

At that time the Merdeka (freedom from Dutch rule) movement was sweeping through Indonesia. After the Japanese surrender, the Japanese 2nd Guards Division in Northern Sumatra handed over most of their weapons to the local Acehnese, assuming they would turn the weapons against the incoming British and Dutch troops. (6) But the Acehnese turned on the Japanese instead, driving them out of their barracks and pinning them down in a 1,000-meter perimeter trench on the beach. Responding to urgent calls for help, Pike and a small group were sent to help extricate the Japanese safely, culminating in his group calling on HMS Caprice, a British frigate, to provide covering firepower while the Japanese were withdrawn by sea. Pike then spent the next 72 hours in non-stop interrogation of Japanese prisoners while returning to Singapore in a Japanese ship in rough seas. (7) In late 1945 following a short stint in the translation section in Singapore dealing with captured Japanese documents, Pike was posted to Kuching, Sarawak, as the second-in-command of the South East Asian Translation and Interrogation Center (SEATIC) Detachment, Borneo. (8) En route, he was briefed in Labuan, the HQ of the 32nd Infantry Brigade, and then flown to Kuching, where he was attached to the 9/14 Punjab, one of the 32nd Infantry Brigade's three battalions. 

Travel outside towns in Sarawak was mostly by river and on foot due to lack of roads. (9) One of Pike's early assignments was to recapture two Japanese POWs who were suspected of war crimes and had escaped. Both were armed. The trail led into Dutch Borneo (Kalimantan) through tropical rainforest in undulating terrain where Pike and his patrol group of soldiers and police faced a constant hazard of possible ambush. However, everyone returned to base safely but empty-handed after discovering that Dayaks had already decapitated both POWs. (10) On another occasion, Pike escorted six Japanese POWs suspected of war crimes from Pending to Pontianak in Dutch West Borneo by Sunderland flying-boat. (11) After leaving them at Pending on the Sunderland under only a light guard, Pike belatedly realized the POWs could take over the plane in flight as one was a licensed pilot; so he organized more guards before take off. This was fortunate for the Japanese, as they had been responsible for the assassination of the Sultan of Pontianak and on arrival had to be protected from angry local Indonesians intent on taking revenge. 

Sarawak was in a constant flux of change between 1945 and 1966. At the end of 1945 Sarawak was nominally an independent country under the Brooke dynasty, but debilitated by three years of Japanese occupation. The British Borneo Civil Affairs Unit was providing interim civil administration, and surviving pre-occupation Sarawak Administrative Service (SAS) expatriate officers had begun to resume their posts. (12) In his military role, Pike was exposed to and mixed with both the local people and SAS officers. Over a few months in early 1946, he became impressed by "the open, friendly, and essentially egalitarian relationships [of the expatriate administrative officers] with local people--in contrast to the 'apartheid' of post-mutiny India and the 'Club' world of expatriates in Malaya." (13) Pike was also attracted to the tradition of SAS officers traveling extensively in their districts and that "one stayed in the longhouses of the people and slept on the floor and shared one's food and shared the rather heavy drinking sessions ... and heard [legal] cases seated on the floor of the longhouse without any pomp or circumstance." (14) 

Finding this atmosphere "perhaps unique in the colonial empire" and imbued with ideals, Pike wrote to the Third Rajah, Charles Vyner Brooke, seeking to join the SAS, only to receive a reply that Sarawak was about to be ceded to the British Crown. In turn, the Colonial Office replied to a similar letter saying that Sarawak was not a British possession. Happily for his long-term future, Pike wrote to his college in Oxford for a Class B release from the Army, to complete his degree. (15) Completing his tasks in Sarawak in April 1946, he was posted to command the SEATIC Detachment in Sumatra. But he was quickly recalled to HQ, Allied Land Forces South East Asia in Singapore to work on the Russia order of battle in Manchuria and Siberia. (16) On 1 July 1946 Sarawak was ceded to Britain following a controversial vote in Sarawak's Council Negri (legislature). (17) Pike was released from the army in September and flown back to the UK for the start of Oxford's academic year, which he would have missed if he had been repatriated by troopship. Shortly after arrival he received a letter from the Colonial Office asking if he were still interested in overseas service. Resisting pressure to serve in other territories, Pike reached an agreement with the Colonial Office to complete his degree, attend the first Devonshire course, and return to Sarawak at the end of 1948. (18) Married on 17 December, his wife accompanied him to Kuching. (19) 

In early 1949 after a short induction in Kuching, SAS cadet officer Pike was posted to the Sarikei Sub-District downriver from Sibu, the capital of the Third Division. (20) Alastair Morrison, Pike's immediate predecessor in Sarikei, described the life of an outstation cadet officer in his book Fair Land Sarawak. (21) Pike quickly noted that the SAS tradition of visiting and staying in Dayak longhouses did not extend to staying in local houses in Malay kampungs or in Chinese homes. (22) This, he felt, led to a slightly more remote relationship with the Malays and the Chinese. He became aware that the British policy after cession of treating everyone equally had undermined the special pre-cession position of primus inter pares of the Malays vis-a-vis the other two main racial groups (Chinese and Dayaks) and had created resentment. (23) He also noted the contrast between the formality of officers who had served in Africa and the friendly relationship between the people and officers who had served under the Brookes. The first British governor was Sir Charles Arden Clarke, who had served in Basutoland and tended to be rather formal. (24) In sharp contrast, the Commissioner General, Malcolm MacDonald, was informal and friendly, building up a strong personal rapport with many local people in Sarawak. (25) Illustrating this, for a time Sir Charles insisted on taking a chair when he visited longhouses, whereas everyone else sat on the floor. This came to an abrupt end after Malcolm MacDonald pulled the chair from under Sir Charles, who "to the great delight of all, crashed to the floor and who never then got back on a chair when traveling to longhouses." (26) 

Writing in the Sarawak Gazette on 7 October 1949, Pike postulated that economic strength was a prerequisite of independence, and that neither Sarawak nor British North Borneo had large reserves upon which to draw. (27) He pointed out that Colonial Development and Welfare Funds could provide little more than a "pump primer" for development. For any development that created enough revenue to support interest and amortization charges on 20-year loans, Pike suggested foreign borrowing with suitable safeguards to prevent exploitation. (28) To foster the creation of capital, he suggested replacing a simple self-sufficiency economy by promoting a spirit of individual enterprise. Pike also drew attention to Sarawak's oil concession, describing it as "extremely disadvantageous to the Government." (29) As a cadet officer his views had little weight, but over time his observations were accepted and introduced. (30) 

In late 1949 Pike was posted to the Binatang Sub-District near Sibu as Assistant District Officer, once again following Alastair Morrison. (31) As an independent country under the Brookes, by 1941 Sarawak had a reasonably well-established hierarchal court and appeal system, and codified laws covered mainly in local Ordinances and native customary law. Sarawak Criminal Law was contained in the Criminal Procedure and Penal Codes based on the Indian (Colonial) Codes. Under English common law, existing laws of ceded countries applied until altered by the Crown. (32) After passing examinations in law during their cadetship, SAS officers usually became responsible for administering the law in the lower courts in their districts. There were no private practicing lawyers in Sarawak until February 1950 and Pike's newly acquired knowledge of Sarawak law was quickly put to the test. (33) 

The anti-cession movement that began in 1946 was still active when the new governor, Duncan George Stewart, arrived in Sarawak on 19 November 1949. (34) Accompanied by other officials, he was being welcomed by a line of school children during his first official visit to Sibu on 3 December 1949, when Rosli Dhobie (18) thrust a knife in his abdomen. John Barcroft, the Resident of the Third Division, and the governor's private secretary, Dilks, thwarted a second would-be attacker, Morshidi Sidek (25). (35) Stewart was quickly flown to Singapore, but died seven days later after two unsuccessful operations. (36) Rosli and Morshidi were arrested immediately and subsequently committed to trial on 5 January 1950. (37) Barcroft ordered Pike, who had been appointed a Magistrate, 3rd Class, on 1 January 1950, to act as their defense counsel. (38) The trial was held in Sibu before Judge D. R. Lascelles and five assessors, three Malays, one Dayak, and one Chinese. (39) By then, Rukun Tiga-belas, the secret anti-cession group behind the assassination, had been uncovered and ten of its members had been arrested and charged with conspiracy to murder. (40) On 28 August 1948, the leader of this secret group, Awang Rambli bin Mohammed Deli had convinced the members that "if we kill the Governor, our country will quickly regain freedom [from the British]" and then the Brooke dynasty could be reinstated with Anthony Brooke, the Tuan Muda, as Rajah. (41) 

In his defense speech, Pike pointed out both the accused were young and impressionable and had been driven to act by "a discredited Government servant [Awang Rambli] who has not the courage to act for himself and drives small innocent people to do his dirty work for him." (42) He also pointed out their background of having endured the Japanese occupation "when a true appreciation of values of law and order" was missing and that both had helped the Crown to uncover the Rukun Tiga-belas movement. Both Rosli and Morshidi admitted their guilt, spoke of being instigated by Rambli, and pleaded for clemency. Judge Lascelles sentenced both to death by hanging, saying their "names will go down in the history of Sarawak [as men] who cowardly murdered an innocent man." (43) Another SAS officer records that "when the trial was over, relatives of the accused bitterly rounded on Pike and he narrowly escaped at the very least a serious assault." (44) 

The war in Korea (1950-1953) created a boom market in rubber and pepper, two of Sarawak's staple exports at that time. (45) Income from rubber exports more than trebled between 1949 and 1950, and by another 40 per cent in 1951. (46) Similarly pepper exports doubled between 1949 and 1950 and quadrupled again in 1951. (47) But both rubber and pepper were long-term crops and there had been little rubber replanting since World War Two. Most Chinese farmers benefitted from the boom, but some missed out due to their rubber trees and pepper plants no longer being productive or new plantings not being ready for tapping or pepper collection. An "astonishing number of Chinese" who failed in this way committed suicide. Pike's most poignant memory when at Binatang "was the frequency of calls to him as a newly appointed Third Class Magistrate to view the bodies." (48) 

On 25 February 1951 Pike was appointed District Officer to the Lawas District, once again preceded by Morrison. (49) For convenience, although unofficial, Bareo on the Kelabit plateau some 180 kilometers from Lawas by land and river came within the Lawas District area of influence. (50) Before Pike's first visit to Bareo, he asked Tom Harrisson, an experienced traveler in the region, if there were any route that avoided crossing into Indonesian Kalimantan. (51) Told there was not, Pike followed the accepted route and was arrested by the local Penghulu when he crossed the border near Ba Kelalan. (52) He was escorted to his opposite number, the Kiai (District Head), at nearby Long Bawang, where he was able to provide some much-needed medicine. (53) Pike was allowed to continue on his journey unhindered and the goodwill his gesture created was not forgotten. On another visit some years later, his arrival at Long Bawang was greeted with a very unique rendition of the British national anthem by the local bamboo pipe band. After two explorations, Pike found an old rhino trail over Gunung Murud (2,423 meters), and Tom Harrisson said it would be shown on maps and given the name "Pike's Path." (54) His magisterial duties also had their less serious moments. The recently opened cinema in Lawas showed many American wild-west movies, moving a person accused of stealing buffalo to say in his own defense, saya jadi cowboy tuan ('I have become a cowboy, Sir'). 

When King George VI died on 6 February 1952, Pike received a signal from the Resident of the Fifth Division instructing him to honor Elizabeth II becoming the Queen of England with a local proclamation ceremony. (55) With no guidelines of how this should be done, he tuned into the BBC and his wife took down the official proclamation in shorthand. Lawas was then treated to Elizabeth II being proclaimed Queen in a local ceremony that followed the official proclamation in London word for word. Some sixteen months later, Pike took the salute of the local Constabulary celebrating the Coronation of Queen Elisabeth. (56) In the meantime, Pike had been on leave and had attended the Second Devonshire Course in Oxford (September 1952 to April 1953), where he added to his language skills by specializing in Mandarin. (57) 

In the first stages of devolution of power to an electorate, in 1947 Governor Arden Clarke had formulated a four-tier local government system. (58) A year later, the Local Authority Ordinance was enacted, providing for full development of Local Government throughout Sarawak. (59) Local authorities were gradually established and began to take over local government activities from government officers. (60) After his return from leave, Pike was deeply involved in setting up the first multi-racial Lawas District Council, which was then established on 1 January 1954. (61) Since in the early years members were selected by communities and/or nominated by government, achieving a viable working group from various ethnic groups was a delicate task. (62) The selection process was reasonably successful in Lawas as two members of the Lawas District Council later became distinguished members of the Council Negri. (63) On a more negative note, while Pike was in Lawas he and his wife were refused entry to Brunei for dental treatment. Barcroft was the British Resident of Brunei at the time and refused entry on the grounds that Pike had left Sarawak without the Secretary of State's permission. (64) Pike had to call on the help of the Resident at Limbang, John Fisher, to sort this out. (65) However, he had to be completely self-reliant when placed in a very dangerous situation of his own making, which showed the close relationship between SAS officers in the field and the local people. (66) 

One of the residents of Lawas was a rather likeable but volatile Sikh who was so prone to running afoul of authority that he was close to being declared an undesirable person and expelled from Sarawak. (67) Morrison, Pike's predecessor in Lawas, had advised the Sikh could be dangerous when "full of brandy" and that his shotgun, which had been confiscated, should not be returned. (68) Worn down by constant pestering for return of the shotgun, Pike finally agreed with the Sikh that his shotgun would be returned, providing his drinking was limited to beer and he remained on good behavior for six months. (69) The shotgun was duly returned and peace reigned for a time. Then Pike had to intervene in a quarrel between the Sikh and his arch-enemy, possibly causing the Sikh to lose face. In the middle of the night a few days later, the Sikh appeared outside Pike's house shouting that he was going to shoot him. With the safety of his wife and two children also compromised, a very alarmed Pike slowly opened the door and walked down the steps to confront a brandy-charged Sikh with a raised shotgun ready to fire. Pike managed to persuade the Sikh to hand over the spare cartridges by saying only one was needed to kill him and that he was sure there was no intention to harm Pike's wife and children. After further persuasion the Sikh removed the last cartridge from the breach and, handing it to Pike, finally agreed to let Pike take him home. The police, who had been keeping out of harm's way, then appeared, asking Pike if he was all right. After that Pike took far more notice of any advice from his predecessors. 

On 10 July 1954, Pike was appointed District Officer of the Lower Rajang District based at Sarikei. (70) His normal routine of adjudication, administration, and travel throughout his area of jurisdiction was disturbed at the end of 1954 by what initially seemed a minor matter. To help finance an increase in expenditure on education and offset lower prices for staple exports, in the 1955 budget the government decided to raise an additional $31 1/2 million by increasing trade license fees 500 to 1,000 percent. (71) Opposition to the new fees from the predominantly Chinese business community quickly escalated. (72) Initiated and led by the politically astute Cantonese kapitan of Sarikei, Chert Koh Ming, a ten-day hartal in Sibu, Sarikei and Binatang began on 1 January 1955. (73) Importers in those towns refused to take delivery of cargo, all shops and businesses closed, and bus and taxi services ceased. (74) To keep trade moving in Sarikei, Pike commandeered the Customs godowns at Binatang and Sarikei and goods not accepted by their importers were sold to the public. (75) Kuching and its environs joined the protests with a three-day hartal that began on 7 January. (76) Spurred into action, on 1 January the government conceded license fees could be paid by installments, set up a committee to examine revising Trade Licensing fees on 7 January, and accepted its recommendations on 13 January. (77) The Council Negri passed the resulting amendments to the Trade Licensing Ordinance on 30 March, but not without protest. (78) It is known that Pike was recommended for a MBE at this time. Was the recommendation due to his firm yet peaceful handling of the hartal in Sarikei? But the recommendation was blocked. (79) 

Just as Pike had established local government in the Lawas District, he did the same for the rural areas in the Lower Rajang District outside the Sarikei and Binatang Municipal Councils that covered those townships. (80) To do this, Pike split the Lower Rajang District into two parts and over time set up the Sarikei District Council and the Binatang District Council. This had to be a slow and meticulous operation, as persons of influence and standing in the community acceptable to both the people and the government had to be selected. Some of them later became members of the Council Negri, including Chen Koh Ming who became a prominent parliamentarian. 

As a First Class Magistrate, Pike adjudicated in both civil and criminal cases. (81) In an opium smuggling case that came before his District Court, the Constabulary seized some opium, providing conclusive proof that several of the accused were guilty. Pike sentenced them to appropriate periods of imprisonment, which collectively added up to 50 years. (82) Some eight years later, Abang Othman, the head of the Constabulary in the Lower Rajang police district at the time, told Pike that the smugglers had offered him a substantial bribe to leave the keys of his safe in his desk, so that the opium could be switched for an innocuous substance. (83) Asked why he had refused the bribe, Abang said his wife would have gone on a spending spree buying new clothes for the entire family and bicycles for the children, and "then you would have known." (84) To Pike's relief, his magisterial duties ended when, following a few month's leave at the end of 1955, he was posted to the Secretariat in Kuching as Principal Assistant Secretary (PAS) Finance. (85) 

Pike had a good grounding in central government over the following eight years, serving consecutively as PAS Finance (1956-1959), PAS Local Government (1959), PAS Economic (1960-1961), and Under-Secretary Finance and Planning (1962-1963). (86) When J. C. H. Barcroft, the Financial Secretary, fell ill in 1957, Pike wrote the government's budget speech, an unusual responsibility for the PAS Finance. (87) While Pike was the PAS Finance, his wife became seriously ill and was flown to Singapore. (88) Ignoring refusal of his application to leave Sarawak, Pike visited his wife in Singapore, his disobedience being allowed to pass without comment. (89) 

By 1958, government revenues together with Colonial Development and Welfare funds could not cover the cost of development considered essential for the future of Sarawak. (90) Sarawak had no public debt at that time. Pike thought that the UK government's Macmillan Bonds would appeal to the general public, as the bonds included an element of chance by annual drawing of lots for early redemption of bonds at matured value. (91) The outcome was an advertisement on 1 July 1958 in the Sarawak Tribune offering nominally ten-year $10 debentures with a redemption value of $14. (92) Lots were to be drawn annually for one tenth of the debentures, which could be redeemed immediately at full value. (93) Although not as successful as hoped, in 1958 over $1.5 million debenture bonds were issued, a sizable amount considering government revenue was just over $52 million. 

While acting as Secretary for Local Government, Pike drew up Sessional Paper No 1 of 1959 "The Financing of Primary Education and Financial Assistance to Local Authorities." (94) Passed by the Council Negri in August 1959, the paper made Local Authorities responsible for meeting part of the cost of primary education, another phase in placing responsibility for local affairs firmly in their hands. At the same time the legislation replaced existing racially-based tax systems; the Chinese (occupied house tax), the Dayaks (door tax), and the Malays (head tax); with a broad rating system for all races that did not offend any racial sensibilities. (95) To provide local authorities with the will to collect the rates, the government offered a grant of $1.50 for every $1 collected. Setting up and empowering multi-racial local authorities was the government's primary means of removing racial barriers and giving increasing self-governance. As the paper's architect and writer, Pike visited every district in Sarawak to explain to local authorities the implications of the paper, held press interviews, and spoke on Radio Sarawak. This extremely important piece of legislation operated successfully for the next eight years, fulfilling its primary political purpose. (96) 

In May 1961, Pike, then the Acting Economic Secretary, and Ong Kee Hui, the Chairman of the Sarawak United People's Party, attended a special marketing meeting of the Economic Commission for Asia and Far East (ECAFE) in Bangkok. At the meeting, Pike and Ong argued without success for a producer's organization to stabilize pepper prices. (97) ECAFE conferences were useful in enabling politicians and high-level government officers to meet their counterparts in other UN member states and exchange ideas on development. (98) For Pike, being nominated by Jakeway to attend a course in Washington at the World Bank's Economic Development Institute (EDI) in 1961-1962 proved far more useful. Some eighteen senior civil servants from all over the world attended the course, many later becoming finance ministers or governors of central banks. The EDI course together with discussions with the other attendees, whose experience and problems were generally similar, proved very valuable in formulating proposals and implementing policies throughout Pike's subsequent career. (99) While in Washington, Pike wrote a 72-page monograph, "The Fiscal Implications for Sarawak of Entering a Federation of Malaysia," which was accepted by the World Bank Library in March 1962. (100) 

As many others in the community, Pike had reservations about Sarawak becoming a member state in a proposed Federation of Malaysia. But he finally concluded that, as Fourth Division Resident J. C. B. Fisher wrote at the time, "... in the long run I believe that it [joining Malaysia] is worth it, and indeed our only alternative ... Please God that I am right." (101) On his return to Sarawak, Pike, as Under Secretary, Finance and Planning, was deeply involved in negotiating terms and conditions under which Sarawak would become a state within the proposed Federation of Malaysia. With primary responsibilities for the fiscal implications of joining Malaysia, Pike had the satisfaction of playing a useful role in negotiating an agreement that committed Malaya to "use its best endeavors to enable this amount [$300 million] of development expenditure to be achieved [spread over five years]." (102) Pike's responsibilities also included overseeing the preparation of Sarawak's 1964-1968 $343 million Development Plan that provided a virtual blueprint of how the promised funds would be spent. On 15 September 1963, Pike was one of those bidding farewell to Sarawak's fourth and last British Governor, Sir Alexander Waddell, ushering in a new era with an indirectly elected state government within the Federation of Malaysia. (103) 

With the advent of Malaysia, expatriate Administrative Officers in Sarawak were offered either immediate retirement with suitable compensation or four years further service with compensation for loss of pension spread over five years. (104) Among others opting for four years further service were John Pike and Tony Shaw, who was appointed State Secretary when Malaysia was formed. (105) Stephen Kalong Ningkan, a Second Division Iban, became the Chief Minister of Sarawak and the chairman of the Supreme Council (cabinet or executive council). Ningkan led a coalition government of competing, ethnically based political parties that had differing levels of empathy with the Federal government. Malaysia and, in particular, Sarawak were facing a hostile Indonesia. Indonesian army cross-border raids from Kalimantan helped by Sarawak communist elements were increasing, and Indonesian and Commonwealth troops were being built up along the Sarawak-Kalimantan border. (106) 

State Financial Secretary B.A. St. J. Hepburn presented Sarawak's 1964-1968 Development Plan on 12 November, gave his last Budget speech on 3 December 1964, and a week later moved to an appointment in Kuala Lumpur. (107) Pike was confirmed as State Financial Secretary on 1 January 1964, and thus directly responsible to Chief Minister Kalong Ningkan. As well as dealing directly with Kalong Ningkan and his ministers, Pike became an ex-officio member of the Council Negri, taking part in its meetings and exercising voting powers. Pike also became Sarawak's representative on the National Development Committee, charged with integrating Sarawak's Development Plan with the first Malaysia Development Plan. In this role, to estimate Sarawak's national income for the first time, a difficult task in a partially subsistence economy, Pike successfully pressed for a statistician within his section. 

On 26 February 1964, a page 5 headline in the Sarawak Tribune read: "Pike Weathers the Storm in the Council Negeri [Negri]: Lively Session All Way." A week prior to Chinese New Year (13 February) and Hari Raya (15 February), important festivities in the Sarawak calendar, the Sarawak Government Asian Officers Union (SGAOU) had requested either prepayment of their February salaries or advance salaries. (108) Although at one stage the union threatened to strike, the government stood firm and made no prepayments or advances. For the Opposition, this was an ideal opportunity to gain some political capital and a series of potentially damaging questions were asked. However, Pike had done his homework, pointing out that in the previous decade, when the festivals fell in the first half of the month, no advances were made nor was the Personal Advances Public Officers Fund adequate to meet the union's demand. (109) The Tribune reported that "Mr. Pike, however, calmly manoeuvred his way out of the 'cross-fire' to hit back hard and strong at the Opposition speakers ... and on occasion had the House roaring with laughter with his witty answers." 

Pike's 1965 Budget attracted the headline "Our Economic Life Proceeds on Steady Course," but Sarawak was still facing incursions by Indonesian troops, militant communism, growing signs of instability in the various political alliances, and a volatile hubristic Chief Minister whose "personal conduct continued to give much offence." (110) In late 1964 when pressed by the Opposition for reasons why two secretaries always accompanied him to Kuala Lumpur, Chief Minister Ningkan raised his voice, saying, "You bloody Opposition." (111) Later in the debate he challenged member Chan Siaw Hee "to go outside Chambers." Proposed Land Bills intended to free up land held under Native Title for development aroused strident political opposition, providing an opportunity to try to overthrow Ningkan. (112) Political parties realigned presaging collapse of Ningkan's government, but Shaw and Pike felt that at this critical time Sarawak's interests were best served by avoiding this. (113) They managed to persuade the Commonwealth security forces to fly an influential Chinese businessman, Ling Beng Siew, to Kuching at a few hours' notice to persuade Temenggong Jugah, the paramount chief of the Third Division Ibans, to join a Chinese-Iban alliance. (114) This proved successful and on the next day, 11 May, the Land Bills were withdrawn, saving the government for the time being. Seven days later a correspondent in the Sarawak Tribune wrote that "it is an undeniable fact that Inche Taib, his Uncle Rahman and their company are making the Land Bills as an excuse for them to topple the Government of Dato Stephen Kalong Ningkan." (115) 

The government was still in danger of imminent collapse as two political parties, Pesaka and Barjasa, had withdrawn from the group of parties holding governance (the Alliance), ostensibly over the Land Bills issue. (116) Pesaka was Jugah's party and thus would continue to support the government, but to retain a safe working majority the support of another party was essential. (117) To attract another party to the Alliance, on 11 May Pike proposed removing himself and the other two ex-officio members (the State Secretary and the Attorney-General) from the Supreme Council, to be offset by creating three new ministries. (118) Immediately approved, the necessary Constitutional Amendment Bill was prepared overnight, tabled the next day, and approved...

Source :From British military intelligence to financial secretary of Sarawak: John Pike 1945-1967.(Biography)
Retrieved on : 10 June 2009


Tuesday, June 09, 2009

Politik Sarawak kini secara ringkas

Politik Sarawak masih tenang setenang Sungai Sarawak yang tiada gelora. 
Pemilihan Agung PBB akan berlangsung pada tahun 2010
Dewan Undangan Negeri bagi sesi terakhir penggal ke-10 masih berbaki 1 tahun 11 bulan lagi.
SUPP merupakan parti terawal akan menyiarkan senarai calon.
Suasana sedih di dalam keluarga YAB Ketua Menteri Sarawak masih belum membenarkan beliau untuk mengumumkan senarai kabinet barunya.
Krisis kepimpinan PRS masih belum selesai, tetapi diusahakan secara dalaman. 
Adun Ngemah Gabriel Adit yang menjadi calon BEBAS dalam pilihanraya dahulu  menyertai pembangkang iaitu PKR.
PKR mengadakan reformasi di dalam kepimpinan negeri dengan melantik Mustafa Kamil Ayub sebagai Pengerusi Negeri. Manakala Dominique Ng menjadi penasihat parti bersama-sama Datuk Hafsah dan Encik Wan Zainal.
Parti PAS optimis dengan sokongan yang mereka dapat daripada rakyat Sarawak walaupun beberapa kali tewas semenjak 2001. 
Tiada halangan untuk Anwar dan Lim Kit Siang datang ke Sarawak, melainkan jika mereka menghasut rakyat. 
Penulis blog Sarawak sudah menjadikan laman siber sebagai cara untuk meluahkan perasaan mereka, untuk menuntut "sejarah semalam".
Kebanyakan penulisan mereka menyentuh kepada rintihan rakyat di luar bandar yang dikatakan kurang diambil perhatian. 
Para pemimpin negeri dianggap tiada inisiatif untuk berperang di laman siber bahkan jika adapun laman web tidak diselenggara dengan baik dan informasi kurang memberi kesan kepada rakyat. 




Book Review




Politik Sarawak by Ahmad Nidzamuddin Sulaiman (et al), (in Bahasa Melayu), Kuala Lumpur, 1994: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Ministry of Education Malaysia. Pp 224. ISBN 983-62-4339-9

 

Reviewer: Samsol Morshidi Bujang (putrasarawak)

“Politik Sarawak” is the most prominent book in Malaysian local Institute of Higher Learning. It still relevant until now and being used as the textbook for Malaysian Political Survey in local universities.

            Sarawak is the largest state in Malaysia. Composes by 2 million peoples . It was unique in term of ethnicity, and as the multi-racial state it was difficult to unite them as the one entity called Sarawakians. The largest population and Multi-racial ethnic group let them to establish their own entity according their ethnicity, Iban with their  Dayak Association, Melanau with their own, and Malay also uses their own identity to preserve their interest. The division of ethnicity are encourage the different need and makes them interlude in order to develop the state together.

            This book is divided into six chapters. Which written by four prominent Sarawak political scientists  An editor only focused on chapter two until the chapter five, this includes the discussion about the real-politics in Sarawak. This book is quite direct to the political situation in Sarawak during 25 years independence under Federation of Malaysia. It is the best answer to the historians who want to indicate their knowledge in the political situation in Sarawak

            In the chapter two, the article was written by Awang Raduan Awang Omar who anecdotes the Sarawak Political Development in Sarawak until 1991. He says, the political entity for Sarawak is based on the ethnic centric. Due to impress their interest in the Sarawak political scene, the political parties competing each other to get the memberships and their supporters even, it can let them into separation and division. The ‘politik rumah panjang ‘is the best example proof the consequence of the ethnic centric based political parties. Then he add the situation in 1980 until the end of 1980’s when the separation of two largest native parties in Sarawak i.e. Sarawak National Party and Parti Pesaka Bumiputra Bersatu of Barisan Nasional (National Front), Sarawak let the development of the opposition parties like Persatuan Rakyat Sarawak in 1987, Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS) in 1983, Parti Negara Sarawak (NEGARA) 1984 and the Independence candidates who tries to get their popularity among the voters. The Opposition Parties in Sarawak from the beginning are local based organization then in the 1991 state election the national opposition Democratic Action Party comes to acknowledge the democracy system in Sarawak.

            In order to reveal the Dayak ethnic group behaviour in politics, Nielson Ilan Mersat in his article in Chapter three again stress the behaviour of dayakism (racism) let them to the separatism desire. The separatism desire make the Malay-Islam becomes unite in order to take the opportunity in the state leadership. Even, history proves that Malay during 500 years until the colonialisation of British administration tend to rule Sarawak autonomously from the Kingdom of Brunei Darussalam. Sarawak National Party under the leadership of Stephen Kalong Ningkan and Sarawak Native Party (PESAKA) under the leadership of Penghulu Tawi Seli failed in order to maintain the hegemony of Dayak leadership in Sarawak during the first Phase of Independence.

            This book review also the first 20 years of Muslim leadership in Sarawak, starting from the leadership of Datuk Patinggi Haji Abdul Rahman Ya’kub (later, Tun) who has succeeded to unite Muslim into one roof of state ideology in tend to make Muslim in Sarawak become Par-Excellence in every fields of life. Otherwise, Muslim in Sarawak still maintains their life in poverty and remained the status poorest in the state. However, because of his political ambitious, in early 1978, his party (PBB) tends to broke out and disunity. His biasness to the Malay-Muslims officers in order to give the special privileges to the Melanau makes the Malay Muslims in his party insulted and quit from party and established the new alternative party called Parti Jati Rakyat Sarawak (PAJAR). Despite the fact that Abdul Rahman biasness in the party and the administration, PAJAR still failed to get any support from the voters in 1979 state election.

            During the time of Tan Sri Datuk Patinggi Haji Abdul Taib Mahmud (then Pehin Sri) the human developments in Sarawak was develop together with physical development. Muslims in Sarawak was enjoy in his administration and propagate Islam freely and organised many programme during his time. The Organisations based on Islam were established and re-established by the new name and functions to keep the Islamic dignity as a peaceful and charitable religion. The government of Sarawak endeavour the spirit of tolerance in the religious affair.  

            However in term of political scenario Taib (who was inherited the government from his uncle Abdul Rahman) facing a lot of problems not only from the oppositions, SNAP and the independence but his family problem with his uncle who still remains his power as a Sarawak Governor and powerful to interference the state administration. Taib nearly  descent his power by the unbelief vote from the State Assemblymen in order to press him to step-down from the Chief Minister position.

            Personally the full compliment upon this book as the good job by the political scientists and the historians who struggle in their effort to reveal the Sarawak political scenario. Very difficult to get the book which divulge the Sarawak political scenarios in many angles and perspectives. Commonly, many books are published to give the untruth about the political scenes in Sarawak, the biasness in the revealed the facts is the really bad job for certain writers. In order to make it is interesting they leave the principal of historical methodology even what they have revealed is lying and untruthfulness. 

 

 

 

Sunday, June 07, 2009

Harap Selagi Bernafas

Selesai menonton dokumentari Rosli Dhoby petang tadi di rangkaian Astro Prima. Aku masih tertanya-tanya di manakah rangka beliau? Untuk rekod Rosli Dhoby dihukum bunuh pada 15 Disember 1949 ketika berusia 18 tahun atau kurang dari itu. Amat menyalahi peraturan yang ditetapkan sendiri oleh pemerintah Inggeris ketika itu. Rosli Dhoby sepatutnya dihukum berdasarkan ordinan juvana. 

Pada 2 Mac 1996selepas 45 tahun menanti) , kubur mereka digali dan sekali lagi negeri Sarawak dikejutkan dengan hilangnya rangka Rosli Dhoby. Yang dibawa naik hanyalah tulang temulang tiga orang yang dikaitkan dengan Rukun 13 yang terlibat secara langsung di dalam pembunuhan tersebut, mereka ialah Awang Rambli Amit, Bujang Suntong dan juga Morshidi Sidek. 

Kenapa Aku Mengagumi Beliau?

Rosli Dhoby bukan sahaja pembunuh malahan dianggap sebagai nasionalis selepas perang dunia kedua. Mengikut warkah terakhir beliau yang berbunyi

Peliharakanlah adik dan kakak serta semua ahli kita - Berikan segala pelajaran sama ada `Sunat' atau `Fardu' kepada mereka.

Selimutilah jenazah anakanda dengan Panji Kebangsaan Sarawak.

Ayahanda dan bonda serta ahli keluarga sekalian janganlah lupa mengamalkan kebajikan dan mendirikan sembahyang untuk bekalan istimewa ke alam yang kekal.

Frasa pertama menandakan bahawa Rosli Dhoby amat menekankan hal pendidikan. Semua ahli kita menjelaskan keseluruhan keluarganya sehingga ke anak cucu. Pesanan yang padat dari seorang patriot untuk anak cucunya bahawa beliau mati dalam keadaan beliau rindukan dunia akademik. Ciri yang penting kepada seorang patriot amat jelas pada diri beliau.

Frasa kedua selimutkan dengan panji Sarawak. Kerana taatnya beliau kepada negerinya maka sudah layaknya beliau digelar sebagai patriot.

Nasionalis yang sebenar ialah mereka yang memperjuangkan agama kerana agama berada pada tempat tertinggi selepas negara. Frasa ketiga menyebut "janganlah lupa megamalkan kebajikan dan mendirikan sembahyang" jelas menggambarkan nasionalis unggul seperti RoslI Dhoby yang berdakwah kepada keluarganya layak digelar sebagai patriot. 

Rosli Dhoby namanya diabadikan

Berbalik kepada ke manakah perginya rangka Rosli?

Ada teori mengatakan bahawa Rosli tidak mati, malah dihantar ke Singapura dan seterusnya dihantar ke England. 
Hal ini penting kerana bagi menutup kelemahan sistem penghakiman British di Sarawak yang secara jelas melanggar Ordinan Juvana itu sendiri.
Lebih-lebih lagi pada mata dunia Rosli Dhoby boleh dilihat sebagai pencetus gerakan revolusi rakyat. Apa akan jadi sekiranya beliau masih hidup pada ketika itu? Maka segala perencanaan mereka untuk mematikan watak Rosli perlu diwujudkan walaupun jelas bahawa Rosli tidak bersalah, kerana paksa relanya bertindak sedemikian.Kerana terpengaruh atau dipengaruhi. WallahuA'lam

Kini nama beliau menjadi perhatian apabila laporan sebuah akhbar menyebut keluarga yakin Rosli masih hidup. Perjuangan Rosli Dhoby akan diteruskan bukan dengan darah tetapi keringat dan percayalah "Harap Selagi Bernafas"




PROGRAM LATIHAN PEMERKASAAN KEUPAYAAN SISWAZAH

Program ini diwujudkan selaras dengan misi kerajaan negeri untuk melahirkan pasaran kerja yang terlatih di dalam negeri Sarawak. Misi kerajaan ini telah diperkenalkan pada tahun 2009, selepas dicadangkan oleh Yang Amat Berhormat Ketua Menteri Sarawak dalam sesi pertama penggal keempat DUN Sarawak. Berikut adalah link bagi iklan tersebut. Bersama-samalah kita menjadi modal insan yang gemilang.


http://www.e-recruitment.gov.my/eRecruitment3_public/VacancyDetails.jsp?VacancyId=619

Thursday, June 04, 2009

KeADILan hanya untuk Anwar.......

PENASIHAT UTAMA
Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim

PENASIHAT
Datuk Hafsah Harun
Datuk Michael Bong
YB Dominique Ng Kim Ho

PENGERUSI
Mustaffa Kamil Ayub

MAJLIS PIMPINAN NEGERI
YB Gabriel Adit
Baru Bian
Nicholas Bawin Anggat
Granda Aing
Wan Zainal Wan Sanusi
Baharuddin Mohsen
Dr Micahel Teo
Jawah Gerang
Augustine Liom
Jimmy Donald
Abg Zulkifli Abg Engkeh (Setiausaha)

JAWATANKUASA KERJA PERHUBUNGAN NEGERI

Setiausaha : Piee bin Ling

Timbalan SU : Mexlian Gombek, Zulhaidah Suboh

Bendahari : Wong Huan Yu

Timb. Bendahari : George Chen

Penerangan : See Chee How (Ketua), Norhanim Mohsen, Zulrusdi Hol

Wanita : Ibi Uding

Angkatan Muda : Rahmat Aidil

Biro Pilihanraya : Mustaffa Kamil Ayub (Ketua), Hj Baharuddin, Voon Shiak Ni, Boniface Willy Tumek, Munan Laja, Dr Mansor Husin, Loo Chao Min, Harrison Ngau,Granda Aing, Zulrusdi Hol

Biro Strategi : Granda Aing (Ketua), Wan Zainal Wan Zanusi

Biro Pendidikan : Mansor Husin (Ketua), Stanney Embat, Zurinawati Zaidel

Biro Latihan : Lokman Aba Ibrahim (Ketua), Mumbang Hillary Mukit, Zulhaidah Suboh, Bobby Wiliam, Tan Tian Miine

Biro Integrasi : Paul Raja (Ketua), Dr Francis Ngu, Dr Idwar Bakkarudin, Lawrence Dick Sakalai

Biro Polisi : Dr Christopher Kiyui (Ketua), Angela Baginda, Frankie Bendindang Manjah, Abg Zulkifli Engkeh, Dr Lau Liak Koi, Mohamad Said @ Beti Gapur

Biro Kebajikan & Kesihatan : Abang Oothman Abg Gom (Ketua), Dr Michael Teo, Lina Soo, Vincent Sijem, Hung Soon Huo, Ceceilia Stannery

Biro Hak Asasi & Tanah : Augustine Liom (Ketua), Ali Basah, Henry Joseph, Desmond Khoo, Arif Ameran, Ahmad Nazib Johari

Biro Alam Sekitar & Sumber Alam : Harrison Ngau (Ketua), Simon Tiong, Mexlian Gombek, Ong Fook Fong

Kenyataannya ialah orang Sarawak mempunyai perangai yang sangat ramah kepada tetamunya. Semua orang Sarawak mengakuinya termasuk diri penulis.

Tipikalnya : Kerana keramahan kitalah ada yang sanggup memberi jawatan di dalam parti kepada orang luar. Nasib baik tidak jawatan Tuai Rumah.

Bukan Sinis: Datuk Hafsah dan Wan Zainal pernah berada di dalam kerajaan suatu ketika dahulu. Mereka berdua masing-masing pernah dilantik sebagai Menteri Muda dan Setiausaha Politik Ketua Menteri. Mereka tidak bersetuju kepada Ketua Menteri, malah bertindak keluar daripada barisan hadapan Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) yang pernah mereka anggotai.

Jika mereka tidak bersetuju kepada ketua Menteri dan mereka tahu kebenaran terhadap mereka, kenapakah mereka sanggup keluar dari parti sedangkan kesetiaan kepada Partilah kita boleh malangkah dengan lebih jauh.

Sekarang mereka berdua dilantik sebagai penasihat. Adakah nasihat mereka didengari sedangkan mereka tidak berpengaruh di kalangan masyarakat Dayak kerana Malayism mereka dahulu. 

Sekarang Dominique Ng pula dilantik sebagai penasihat, adakah suatu hari nanti Gabriel Adit pula dilantik sebagai penasihat mewakili kaum Iban. Siapa pula yang bakal dilantik sebagai penasihat kaum Ulu dan dan Bidayuh yang khabar kononnya tertindas. Tepuk dada tanya selera. 

Parti KeADILan Rakyat merasa dirinya begitu popular di kalangan rakyat, menggunakan Mustafa Kamil Ayub sebagai umpan menarik sokongan pengundi muda, terutamanya pengundi muda yang berpendidikan tinggi.  

Jika para pengundi sedar, mereka yang berada di dalam saf kepimpinan PKR negeri adalah mereka yang tergolong di dalam tiga kategori:-

1. Mereka yang sedar masa depan mereka adalah politik, rasa diri mereka tertindas oleh keadaan politik yang dilakukan oleh mereka sendiri kerana inginkan pengaruh dan semagat anti establishment mereka.

2. Mereka yang tidak sedar masa hadapan mereka banyak dipengaruhi oleh politik sehinggakan hendak makan pun dengan politik. Amat jahil tentang kelayakan sendiri, dipengaruhi oleh orang lain untuk kebaikan mereka sedangkan mereka perlu sedar, perangai bergantung kepada diri sendiri. 

3. Mereka yang hampa dengan pemimpin mereka terdahulu, sedangkan perubahan terletak pada tangan mereka. Akibat malu dan maruah mereka menyerang pemimpin mereka dengan pelbagai sangkaan agar rakyat melihat diri mereka tertindas. Sedangkan mereka amat jahil berpolitik dan cuba menegakkan benang yang basah demi survival politik mereka.