Politik Sarawak Hari Ini

Kiranya dah hampir setengah tahun aku tidak post entry terbaru. Sudah lama tapi akut tidak pernah lupakan tapak ini walaupun komitmen tugas yang paling utama.

Politik Sarawak hari ini amat senang untuk diperkatakan iaitu dalam keadaan aman damai. Banyak perkara yang diperkatakan tetapi dapat diatasi dengan kebijaksanaan seorang pemimpin. Iaitu Y.A.B Pehin Seri Ketua Menteri Sarawak.

Realitinya bukan membodek tetapi hakikatnya dengan kebijaksanaan beliaulah tidak nampak sangat kekotoran yang tercalit di baju-baju ahli politik senior negeri apatah lagi pentadbirannya. Cuma apa yang cukup menggalakkan ialah Parti Pembangkang yang sememangnya bersentimen dan Parti SUPP yang masih lagi alah dengan pengaruh akar umbi di kawasan masing-masing.

Dalam beberapa bulan yang lalu, orang kampung di mana saya bertugas telah membuat satu bantahan awal di mahkamah mengenai masa depan tanah yang mereka duduki. Mereka mengatakan bahawa tanah yang mereka duduki ialah NCR manakala bagi pihak kerajaan NCR memang tidak wujud di kawasan itu. Bagi saya NCR memang tidak pernah wujud dan status tanah tersebut sebagai tanah negeri perlu diakui. Cuma hak mereka sebagai penduduk di kawasan tersebut hendaklah dipertimbangkan dengan sebaik mungkin. Tetapi persoalannya ialah berapa banyak yang mereka minta lagi? Adakah mereka sanggup melihat anak-anak mereka berjalan kaki sejauh 3-4 jam hanya semata-mata hendak ke pasar dan mencari bekalan gas dan diesel mereka?

SUPP dan akar umbinya. Satu persoalan adakah senang untuk SUPP survive di kawasan-kawasan hitam mereka seperti di Kuching, juga Sarikei yang sekarang ini masih lagi berada di bawah pengaruh pembangkang? Jika daripada maklumat yang saya dapat, kemenangan SUPP ke atas kerusi-kerusi yang mereka tewas pada pilihanraya 2006 yang lepas ialah 40 peratus. Terutama sekali di kawasan bandar yang mempunyai majoriti pengundi Cina. Kenapakah perkara ini berlaku? Hal ini melibatkan isu nasional. Walaupun di Sarawak pergeseran antara kaumnya amat kurang dan sentimen itu juga nipis, tetapi prestasi politik nasional tidak sebegitu rupa. Jika sentimen nasional ini menggugat pemikiran pengundi Cina, janganlah SUPP mendabik dada jika saya katakan di sini, SUPP akan hanya menjadi tidak lagi relevan kepada Barisan Nasional Pusat dan Negeri Suatu hari nanti. Apatah lagi parti pembangkang seperti DAP dan PKR sedaya upaya mempengaruhi pengundi Cina untuk tidak menyokong BN dan membesar-besarkan isu mereka dapat menembusi Pulau Pinang dan Selangor.

SPDP dan PRS masih stabil sehingga kini. Walaupun PRS telah diuji dengan pilihanraya kecil DUN Batang Ai pada April lepas, tetapi PRS tetap berharap calonnya di Pelagus dapat diterima dengan sebaik mungkin. Dan adakah PRS akan mencalonkan Lerry Sng di atas tiket BN. Walaupun umum mengetahui Larry sudahpun ditolak dari kem Masing setahun lebih yang lepas.

SPDP, merupakan parti yang aman sedikit walaupun ditimpa dengan masalah calon pada pilihanraya yang lepas. Masakan tidak mereka terlepas Ngemah yang menjadi kubu kuat Gabriel Adit yang kini menjadi Pengerusi Parti Cinta Malaysia, sudah pastilah akan menggasak kawasan tersebut pada pilihanraya depan.

PBB yang akan mengadakan mesyuarat agung tahunan dan pemilihan tiga tahun pada Mac 2010 tidak akan melalui laluan sukar walaupun ada suara-suara sumbang yang mahukan parti ini diajar pada pilihanraya yang akan datang. Tidak tahulah setakat mana "ajar" yang ingin mereka buat ke atas PBB.

Cuma diharapkan barisan hadapan PBB pada tahun hadapan, dan tiga tahun ke hadapan merupakan barisan yang dinamik dan berupaya untuk menarik sokongan belia di dalam pertubuhan tersebut. Diharapkan juga calon yang sudah luput tarikhnya dilupuskan segera kerana pengundi hari ini sudah tahu menilai yang" mana aktif dalam Facebooknya dan mana yang sombong tidak mahu menerima rakan Facebooknya."

Jadi ramalan politik saya setakat ini ialah BN masih lagi bakal membentuk kerajaan pada pilihanraya yang akan datang sekiranya mereka dapat berubah. Terima kasih isu nasional yang bakal menarik minat generasi literasi komputer untuk setia bersama Barisan Nasional.

P/S: Penulis sebenarnya baru sahaja rapat dengan dunia politik negeri sejak tahun 2006 walaupun keakraban penulis kepada politik Sarawak cuma pada tahun lepas sahaja, kerana baru menjejakkan kaki ke Bumi Kenyalang selepas 6 tahun merantau.

Lembu punya pasal

Hari ini kalau ikutkan hati malas nak update my blogs. Puasalah punya pasal dari tebik pahala bagus diam kan.....

Aku nak cerita sikit kisah lembu. Lembu nie binatang suci bagi penganut Hindu. Jika di Kedai Mamak walaupun Islam, gulai lembu pun jarang kita nak tengok, akibat sucinya lembu ini bukan sahaja di kalangan Hindu tetapi India Muslim pun melihatnya sebagai haiwan suci kerana pengaruh Hinduism semasa di India.

Lembu ohhh lembu ceritanya begini

Akibat sucinya lembu maka kejadian segelintir Muslim di Shah Alam yang berarak membawa kepala lembu didakwa di Mahkamah. Kerana memperlihatkan kecenderungan untuk bersifat perkauman.

Kejadian itu walaupun sebenarnya ingin menunjukkan simbol kebodohan pimpinan kerajaan Selangor, akibat dieksploitasi, akhirnya menjadi dua makna walaupun konotasinya hanya satu iaitu BODOH.

Marilah kita sama-sama berfikiran waras dalam tindakan kita walaupun kadang-kala amat sukar untuk memikirkan kewajarannya. Wallahualam.........

Jom Masuk Syurga

Mudah sahaja untuk masuk syurga

Kouta: Islam dan bukan Islam asal jadi PENYOKONG dan PENGUNDI PAS

2 juta sepanjang saf syurga vacant mulai 1987.

Ahli UMNO yang murtad dari UMNO juga dipelawa memohon tetapi hanya duduk di tempat terendah dalam syurga

Ahli syurga sekutu yang keluar dari neraka selepas diseksa selama 51 tahun (1957-2008) iaitu Ahli PETIR (sekarang DAP), Sosialis, Parti Rakyat dan Ahli-ahli Pembangkang selain PAS diminta untuk memperbaharui permohonan dengan menyertai Malaikat Anwar ul liwati. Hanya mereka yang konsisten dengan pembangkang sahaja dan bukannya murtad dan masuk UMNO.

Umat lain yang dilarang ke syurga ialah Muslim Palestin yang sesat daripada Islam PAS

P/s Parti PAS seolah-olah menjadi Khawarij moden yang selalu mengkafirkan umat Islam lain, yang tidak sehaluan dengan mereka. Ingat Nabi S.A.W. memerangi Khawarij kerana mereka bukan sahaja memusuhi rakan seagama malahan memusuhi Nabi S.A.W.

Perpaduan Rakyat? dalam asas sosio ekonomi masyarakat Sarawak

Sudah dua tahun aku tidak ke Kuala Lumpur kali terakhir ialah pada Konvokesyen 2007 yang lalu. Pada tahun itu jugalah gerakan BERSIH untuk pilihanraya dilancarkan yang kononnya 100,000 orang berarak menghampiri Istana Negara untuk menghantar memorandum agar diwujudkan pilihanraya yang bersih dan terjamin integritinya. Pada masa itu aku sudah merasakan ada yang tidak kena di bumi Semenanjung dan situasi politik Semenanjung yang menampakkan kegoloraannya.

Pada tahun 2008, aku menjejakkan kaki ke Institut Perguruan sebagai murid IPG KPLI. Di kala mendengar ucapan alu-aluan pengarah yang bertemakan perpaduan, katanya" perpaduan rakyat berbilang kaum di Sarawak dan di Malaysia perlulah dikekalkan bagi mengelakkan keruntuhan isntitusi sosial" saya masih ingat lagi katanya kerana saya amat tertarik dengan ucapan tersebut. Katanya lagi " semasa saya berada di Kuala Lumpur ketika menghadiri satu persidangan di sana, rombongan kami telah dikejutkan dengan satu insiden demonstrasi yang membabitkan ramai pihak yang amat luar biasa lagi. Pelbagai sentimen perkauman yang boleh menggugat kemakmuran negara dan kedamaiannya dimainkan". Hal itu katanya lagi amat mendukacitakan.

Walaupun rakyat di Sarawak bersatu padu dan hidup dalam harmoni dan menganggap insiden tersebut sebagai hal luaran, kita janganlah buat tak kisah sahaja (take it for granted). Beliau menambah berlaku sesuatu yang tidak kena di Kuala Lumpur dan kawasan di sekitarnya apabila isu perkauman dilaga-lagankan dengan keadaan politik semasa.

Kesannya, pada Mac 2008, iaitu genap dua bulan aku belajar, berlaku satu gelombang politik yang dasyat dan merobah terus lanskap politik Malaysia di mana jurang perkauman menjadi semakin melebar dan mendalam.

Perpaduan kaum di Sarawak amat teguh, selepas beberapa ratus tahun. Walaupun terdapat segelintir daripada kelompok yang tidak berpuas hati, namun citra perpaduan Malaysia di Sarawak menepati standard perpaduan kaum yang harmonis dan dinamik.

Saya risaukan ada pihak yang mengambil kesempatan dengan keadaan sosio ekonomi kaum di Sarawak. Ramai yang menganggap kakitangan awam negeri dimonopoli oleh sesuatu kaum sahaja, sehinggakan tempat bagi kaum minoriti ditiadakan. Tetapi percayalah Sarawak merupakan negeri di Malaysia yang mempunyai kakitangan pelbagai kaum yang paling dinamik sekali kerana terdapat lebih 24 kaum yang bekerja di bawah pentadbiran negeri. Begitu juga kakitangan Persekutuan di Sarawak.

Sosio-ekonomi iaitu salah satu daripada teras politik dinamik masyarakat, merupakan senjata yang paling ditakuti oleh para pemuka politik. Jika sesebuah kawasan pilihanraya terdapat penduduk yang melarat, maka ahli politik yang terlibat akan dipersalahkan kerana mengabaikan tugas mereka sebagai wakil rakyat. Apatah lagi jika sesetengah yang daif itu daripada kaum yang berlainan dengan ahli politik terbabit. Sendiri fikirkan......................

Anwar Ibrahim yang Kalut

Kini Anwar Ibrahim hanya menghitung waktu sahaja lagi untuk kembali semula di Sungai Buloh. Entah apa ilmu yang ada pada Anwar Ibrahim sehinggakan dua kali sudah kes nya tertangguh.

Tulisan ini tidak bermaksud untuk menghina mahkamah atau subjudge. Inilah hakikatnya apabila futuristik Anwar pada awal 1980 an dahulu menggunakan institusi pendidikan yang bakal mengeluarkan bakal peguam dan hakim memberi impak kepada ilmu budi hakim-hakim dan para peguam di Malaysia.

Anwar Ibrahim bukanlah orang yang layak untuk menjadi pemimpin setaraf umara. Beliau hanyalah orang buangan yang akan memporak perandakan negara sehinggalah hujung nafasnya berdetik. Percayalah Anwar Ibrahim ialah pengkhianat bangsa yang sama tarafnya dengan Chin Peng dan tali barut Jepun.

Kenapa Saya Sokong Kerajaan

Kenapa agaknya aku menyokong kerajaan. Aku diamanahkan untuk menjadi pengikut kepada kerajaan pemerintah. Aku dibayar gaji melalui wang yang disatukan melalui satu sistem yang dirangka oleh kerajaan.

Aku bersekolah di sekolah yang diuruskan oleh kakitangan awam yang bekerja dengan kerajaan. Aku juga mendapat pinjaman melalui saluran kerajaan. Aku dijamin oleh kerajaan semasa melanjutkan pelajaran dahulu. Aku juga menerima biasiswa persekutuan semasa aku masih belajar di sekolah suatu ketika dahulu.

Kesimpulannya apa-apapun kerajaan yang pemerintah baik ia dikenali sebagai Barisan Nasional atau Pakatan Rakyat sebagai kakitangan awam aku kena menurut perintah Yang Dipertuan Agong iaitu tonggak pemerintah Kerajaan Persekutuan dan juga majikan aku.

Siapakah Anwar Ibrahim ?

Kredit untuk http://rmf7.wordpress.com


Telah banyak post dikeluarkan mengenai siapakah Anwar Ibrahim yang telah diangungkan oleh pihak PKR sehinggakan tiada satu pun yang boleh menukar fikiran mereka untuk berfikir sejenak secara matang.
Kita bukan membenci Anwar Ibrahim kerana namanya Anwar Ibrahim, akan tetapai kita tidak menyetujui apa yang telah beliau lakukan demi membolehkan beliau menggunakan kedudukan atau jawatan diperingkat antarabangsa yang akan menggangu gugat kita di Malaysia.
selama ini kita dimomokkan dengan pelbagai isu yang melibatkan beliau didalam arena antarabangsa tetapi semua itu masih tiadak ada ruang bagi pengikut beliau untuk mempercayainya.
Oleh yang demikian satu pembokaran yang telah dilakukan oleh seorang blogger di luar negara mengenai penglibatan Anwar Inrahim didalam pertubuhan-pertubuhan yang akan membawa kepada satu ideologi yang tidak bersesuaian dengan masyarakat kita di Malaysia.
Ikuti pembongkaran penglibatan Anwar Ibrahim didalam pertubuhan antarabangsa oleh Steven Clemons.
Sumber Oleh : AIDC
Semua rakyat Amerika tahu Steve Clemons seorang blogger terkemuka. Dia juga merupakan pemikir politik Amerika dan penulis terkenal. Di bolgnya, The Washington Note, dia dedahkan Anwar Ibrahim terlibat dalam dua organisasi paling bahaya di Amerika. Dua organisasi rahsia yang dimaksudkan itu berkait dengan badan perisikan luar Amerika (Foreign Policy).
“Foreign Policy” bermaksud badan perisikan luar atau CIA
Laporan RAND Corporation, menyebut istilah “Foreign Policy” (Dasar Luar Amerika) merujuk kepada badan perisikan luar Amerika Syarikat yang mendapat latihan CIA. Bidang kewartawanan adalah target CIA. Sama ada anggota CIA dilatih menjadi wartawan atau wartawan yang sedia terpilih direkrut menjadi agen CIA.Kedua-dua maksudnya sama, kedua-dua agen CIA.
Media antarabangsa rangkaian CIA aka “Foreign Policy” adalah Time, Newsweek,U.S. News, World Report, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Washington Post, CNN, ABC, CBS, NBC Kebanyakan media ini dikawal oleh kumpulan Yahudi klik di sini
Menurut RAND Corporation watak seperti Anwar Ibrahim dikenali sebagai “exile figures“(tokoh-tokoh terbuang). Modus operandi “exile figures” diperkenalkan sejak zaman Perang Dingin (Cold War) ketika Amerika melawan Komunis. Dalam cadangan RAND Corporation kepada kerajaan Amerika, model “exile figures” semasa Cold War hendaklah diadaptasi semula dalam memerangi teroris Islam.
Menurut modus itu, CIA akan mengenal pasti beberapa “exile figures” yang bermasalah di negaranya yang dipecat atau melawan kerajaan sedia ada dan “exile figures” itu akan diberi suaka politik di Amerika.
Langkah pertama CIA akan meletakkan “exile figures” ini di universiti-universiti tertentu. Langkah kedua, menjadikan “exile figures” itu sebagai penceramah dalam program anjuran Amerika di luar negara atau mengendalikan program-program tajaan Amerika.
Tujuannya untuk proses re-branding semula “exile figures” supaya dikenali semula di persada dunia. Dalam proses re-branding itu media-media antarabangsa akan memainkan peranan untuk memberi publisiti kepadanya.
Langkah terakhir, “exile figures” itu akan memainkan peranan semula di negara asalnya, dalam bidang politik untuk mencapai visi Amerika. (Rujuk Laporan RAND Corporation, “Building Moderate Muslim Networks”, muka surat 14-15)
Sejauh mana pendedahan Steve Clemons berwibawa ?
Steve Clemons mempunyai blog popular bernama The Washington Note.Fokus tulisan “foreign policy”. Tulisannya berwibawa hingga dijemput jadi kolumnis di dua blog terkemuka lain di Amerika iaitu The Huffington Post dan Daily Kos.
Selain itu dia adalah salah seorang ahli think tank Amerika yang boleh keluar masuk ke White House. Dia salah seorang pemikir kerajaan Amerika. Dia tahu luar dalam apa yang sedang dan akan dilakukan oleh White House. Dia adalah Pengarah the American Strategy Program salah satu cabang organisasi kepada badan pemikir terkemuka Amerika iaitu the New America Foundation. Dia juga bekas Pengarah the Japan Policy Research Institute.
Maknanya pengalamannya dalam bidang “foreign policy” cukup luas. Bukan setakat di White House, malah tahu mendalam tentang dunia Timur kerana pernah menumpukan kepada negara Jepun.
Banyak lagi jawatan Clemons yang glamour seperti bekas Naib Presiden Economic Strategy Institute, bekas Pengarah the Nixon Center for Peace and Freedom, pernah berkhidmat sebagai Lembaga penasihat the Center for United States – Japan Relations di RAND Corporation dan sekarang berkhidmat sebagai Senior Policy Advisor dalam bidang Economic and International Affairs kepada Senator Jeff Bingaman .
Satu lagi perkara menarik mengenai Clemons adalah penulisannya bercorak penyiasatan yang berpandukan fakta. Penulisannya bercorak pendedahan, tetapi pendedahan yang benar dan akhirnya dia menang.
Misalnya pendebatannya dengan Doug Bandow, fellow kanan di Cato Institute berakhir dengan kemenangan apabila Clemons berjaya membongkar perkaitan Doug Bandow dan Institut Cato dibayar oleh pelobi Yahudi, bernama Jack Abramoff. Clemons mendedahkan berlaku korupsi dalam badan pemikir Amerika termasuk Doug Bandow, Institut Cato dan Jack Abramoff.
Anwar Ibrahim juga terlibat dalam “foreign policy” Amerika. Pengkhususannya di Asia dan Asia Tenggara. Bermakna Anwar dan Clemons saling mengenali kerana kedua-duanya terlibat dalam dasar luar Amerika Syarikat.
Apakah Clemons bongkar tentang Anwar ?
Ketika Presiden Bush membicarakan proses rundingan damai Israel-Palestin yang dinamakan Annapolis Summit, Clemons dedahkan senarai penyokong yang menandatangani perjanjian itu yang terdiri daripada tiga badan pemikir tajaan Amerika iaitu The International Crisis Group (ICG), The New America Foundation dan United States Middle East Project. Nama Anwar juga turut tersenarai.
Ketika nama Paul Wolfowitz menjadi bualan hangat di Amerika kerana skandalnya di Bank Dunia dengan teman wanitanya, Shaha Ali Riza, sebuah badan rahsia yang mempunyai kaitan dengan mereka berdua turut disebut. Badan itu adalah Foundation For The Future (FFF). Sekali lagi nama Anwar turut disebut yang menjadi bahan bukti laporan jawatankuasa tatatertib Bank Dunia.
Sekali lagi Clemons bongkar bahawa badan itu (FFF) merupakan projek rahsia pemerintahan Bush di Timur Tengah yang mendapat tajaan sepenuhnya kerajaan Amerika.
1. Anwar terlibat International Crisis Group(ICG) – tandatangan Annapolis Summit -iktiraf negara Israel
Sebelum menjelangnya pemilihan Presiden baru Amerika, Presiden Bush berusaha mengembalikan sokongan Israel untuk parti Republikan dengan cara menganjurkan usaha damai antara Palestin (diwakili Mahmod Abbas) dengan Israel (diwakili Ehud Olmert) yang dinamakan The Annapolis Summit.
The Annapolis Summit diadakan pada 27 November 2007, di United States Naval Academy di Annapolis, Maryland, United States. Presiden Bush mengusulkan cara terbaik penyelesaian konflik Israel-Palestin dengan cara mengiktiraf Dua Negara iaitu Negara Israel dan Negara Palestin (two-state solution).
The Annapolis Summit 2007 anjuran Presiden Bush di antara Ehud Olmert (Israel) dengan Mahmoud Abbas (Palestin). Ehud Olmert bersetuju dengan perjanjian itu kerana dia akan mendapat pengiktirafan dunia Islam, Israel sebagai sebuah negara yang sah. Mahmoud Abbas juga bersetuju kerana dia dan kumpulan Fatah akan dilantik menjadi Presiden Palestin boneka Israel dan Amerika Syarikat.
Majoriti Palestin tidak bersetuju dengan cadangan itu kerana menguntungkan Israel kerana Presiden Palestin yang bakal dilantik adalah boneka Israel dan Amerika Syarikat iaitu Mahmoud Abbas. Manakala negara jiran terutama Iran dan Syria tidak bersetuju dengan Annapolis Summit kerana dapat mengesan taktik jahat Amerika dan Israel untuk mewartakan Israel sebagai sebuah Negara Yang Sah.
Sedangkan masa depan rakyat Palestin masih samar-samar , kerana Mahmoud Abbas yang bakal dilantik Presiden Palestin merupakan mewakili minoriti penduduk Palestin. Majoriti rakyat Palestin diwakili oleh Hamas melihat perjanjian itu sebagai gula-gula Israel hanya semata-mata untuk mendapat status sebagai Sebuah Negara Sah, dan dalam masa sama melantik presiden boneka Israel di Palestin. Klik di sini
Pada 10 Oktober 2007 (sebulan sebelum berlangsungnya persidangan Annapolis Summit) tiga badan pemikir Amerika iaitu United States Middle East Project; International Crisis Group (ICG) dan New America Foundation/American Strategy Program telah menghantar surat kepada Presiden Bush dan Condoleeza Rice sebagai tanda sokongan dengan memberi beberapa cadangan tambahan. Mereka amat berharap Annapolis Summit mencapai objektif sepenuhnya, dan tidak gagal seperti Camp David yang pernah diusahakan sebelum ini.
Di sinilah Steve Clemons mendedahkan nama-nama yang telah menandatangani surat sokongan Annapolis Summit itu. Turut disenaraikan adalah nama Anwar Ibrahim.
Senarai nama itu diperolehi oleh Steve Clemons kerana dia merupakan salah satu badan penganjur (New America Foundation/American Strategy Program) yang terlibat menyediakan draf surat sokongan dan dia sendiri turut menandatanganinya.
Kesemua yang menandatangani surat sokongan itu terdiri daripada bekas pimpinan kerajaan Amerika dari bekas CIA, USAID dan badan pemikir Amerika. Kesemuanya beragama Kristian dan Yahudi. Hanya Anwar Ibrahim dan beberapa orang Muslim pro-Amerika yang beragama Islam yang menandatangani surat itu. Anwar ketika itu menjadi pensyarah pelawat di Universiti Georgetown Amerika Syarikat.
Senarai nama lengkap penyokong Annapolis Summit didedahkan Clemons, klik di sini

Kandungan surat kepada Presiden Bush
Surat yang ditandatangani oleh Anwar itu mengesyorkan lima perkara utama iaitu;
1. Matlamat Dua Negara (two-state solution), berdasarkan garis panduan yang pernah dibuat pada 4 Jun 1967, dengan proses pindaan kecil, antara satu sama lain dan dipersetujui bersama seperti yang dinyatakan dalam pertukaran tanah 1:1
2. Jerusalem sebagai rumah kepada dua ibu negara, dengan kawasan kejiranan Israel jatuh di bawah kedaulatan Israel manakala kawasan kejiranan Arab jatuh di bawah kedaulatan Palestin
3. Penyusunan semula The Old City of Jerusalem dengan memberikan hak kepada setiap pihak penguasaan berdasarkan tepat suci masing-masing dan laluan tanpa halangan kepada setiap penduduk tempat tersebut. Nota : Old City merujuk the Temple Mount and its Western Wall for Jews, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre for Christians, and the Dome of the Rock and al-Aqsa Mosque for Muslims.
4. Penyelesaian masalah pelarian secara konsisten dengan penyelesaian dua negara, mengutarakan rasa ketidakadilan mendalam terhadap pelarian Palestin, dan juga memberikan mereka pampasan kewangan dan bantuan penempatan semula
5. Mekanisme keselamatan yang mengemukakan kebimbangan penduduk Israel dan dalam masa sama menghormati kedaulatan Palestin
Daripada lima perkara itu, perkara pertama merupakan inti utama yang menjadi matlamat mereka. Mereka mahu Israel diiktiraf sebagai sebuah negara sah. Itu sahaja matlamat sebenar surat itu. Klik di sini
Sejak bila kumpulan Yahudi dan pro-Amerika bersimpati dengan nasib Islam di Palestin. Mereka mahu negara Israel diiktiraf. Siapa tidak kenal Theodore C. Sorensen, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Harriet Babbitt, Shlomo Ben-Ami, Edward Djerejian, Samuel M. Hoskinson, Flynt Leverett, Theodore Roosevelt IV. Mereka semua bangsa Yahudi yang tidak pernah simpati kepada Palestin.
Ketika majoriti negara Islam termasuk Malaysia tidak mengiktiraf kewujudan Negara Israel, Anwar pula menandatangani persetujuan penubuhan negara Israel sah, atas alasan penyelesaian perdamaian, two state solution.
Anwar iktiraf negara Israel ?
Bagaimana nama Anwar boleh terlibat ?
Gareth Evans, Presiden International Crisis Group mengumumkan pelantikan Anwar Ibrahim sebagai Board of Trustees mulai 1 Julai 2006, semasa persidangan ICG di Brussels. Turut dilantik bersama Anwar adalah Shlomo Ben-Ami, bekas Menteri Luar Israel. Klik di sini
Pada 4 Oktober 2006, ICG melancarkan kempen penyelesaian masalah Israel-Palestin berasaskan resolusi UN Security Council 242 of 1967 and 338 of 1973, the Camp David peace accords of 1978, the Clinton Parameters of 2000, the Arab League Initiative of 2002, and the Roadmap proposed in 2003 by the Quartet (UN, US, EU and Russia).
Anwar Ibrahim dalam mesyuarat International Crisis Group. Gareth Evans (kanan), Presiden dan CEO International Crisis Group (ICG) dan Anwar Ibrahim (no 2 dari kanan), Executive Committee ICG Klik di sini.
ICG merupakan badan yang menyediakan draf surat sokongan Annapolis Summit kepada Presiden Bush yang mencadangkan resolusi “two state solution” iaitu mengiktiraf Isarel sebagai sebuah negara yang sah.
Turut hadir dalam mesyuarat itu adalah semua Ahli Jawatankuasa ICG termasuk, Anwar Ibrahim, Gareth Evans, Shlomo Ben-Ami, George Soros, Desmond Tutu, Mary Robinson, Surin Pitsuwan, Morton Abramowitz dan lain-lain. Senarai lengkap klik di sini
Bermakna jika Steve Clemons mendedahkan nama Anwar tersenarai dalam menandatangani surat sokongan Annapolis Summit kepada Presiden Bush, pada 10 Oktober 2007, perkara ini bukan sesuatu yang mengejutkan kerana ICG terlebih dahulu telah mengadakan mesyuarat yang sama pada 4 Oktober 2006.
Lagipun selain Anwar Ibrahim, terdapat beberapa nama lain yang turut disenaraikan mewakili ICG. Mereka adalah Gareth Evans, Lee H. Hamilton, Carla Hill, Shlomo Ben-Ami,Christopher Patten dan lain-lain.
Siapa di belakang ICG ?
Bagaimana Anwar boleh terlibat dalam organisasi ICG yang menghukum Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) sebagai bahaya ?. Dalam kes ICG dan MUI, kumpulan mana yang bahaya ?. Klik di sini
Bahayakah MUI kerana mengharamkan Islam Liberal dan Ahmadiyah di Indonesia ? Klik di sini
Jadi apakah matlamat ICG, polis dunia yang menghalalkan Islam Liberal ?. Siapa sebenarnya di belakang ICG dan apakah matlamat mereka ?
Menurut wikipedia, ICG ditubuhkan pada 1995 oleh Bank Dunia. Cadangan ini diusulkan oleh Mark Malloch Brown (Vice-President World Bank), Morton Abramowitz (bekas diplomat US ) dan Fred Cuny, untuk ‘memantau’ bencana di Chechnya. Klik di sini
Menurut Source Watch, ICG ditaja oleh beberapa yayasan Yahudi antaranya; Ford Foundation, Open Society Institute, the Sarlo Foundation of the Jewish Community Endowment Fund, Carnegie Corporation of New York dan lain-lain. Klik di sini
Penglibatan George Soros, sebagai US Board member ICG menjelaskan lagi matlamat ICG. Soros merupakan Yahudi Amerika yang menjadi penaja utama ICG melalui badannya iaitu Open Society Institute.
Anwar terlibat dalam organisasi yang dibiayai oleh Yahudi ?
2. Anwar terlibat Foundation For The Future – salurkan dana & senjata Fatah perangi Hamas ?
Penubuhan Foundation For The Future (FFF) tidak diketahui oleh majoriti rakyat Amerika. Tetapi hanya diketahui oleh Jabatan Negara Amerika dan badan-badan pemikirnya. Kes ini meletup apabila penyiasatan terperinci dilakukan ke atas Shaha Ali Riza, teman wanita Paul Wolfowitz yang menjadi isu di Bank Dunia dan badan ini (FFF) dikaitkan dengan peranan Shaha Ali Riza.
Ketika rakyat Amerika dan masyarakat dunia tertanya-tanya, siapakah Shaha Ali Riza dan apakah perkaitannya dengan FFF dan kerajaan Amerika, Steve Clemons pada 14 April 2007 sekali lagi membuat pendedahan di blognya, The Washington Note bertajuk “America Spent $35 million on Foundation for the Future Where Wolfowitz Lover Worked — but State Department Does Not Know Where the Office is Located” Klik di sini
Namun Anwar dalam kenyataan medianya pada 20 Mei 2007, menafikan yayasan yang dipimpinnya mempunyai kaitan dengan Amerika, apatah lagi lagi ditaja oleh Amerika.
Kenyataan media Foundation for the Future Anwar berbunyi;
“Dari awal, sebanyak US$56 juta telah dijanjikan kepada Yayasan. Setakat ini, Yayasan hanya menerima dana dari Turki, United Kingdom dan Jordan, antara lain. Amerka Syarikat tidak memberikan sebarang dana kepada Yayasan” klik di sini
Tetapi Steve Clemons memberi bukti kenyataan media Jabatan Negara Amerika yang menunjukkan FFF ditaja sebanyak $35 milion oleh Amerika Syarikat. Klik di sini
Anwar Ibrahim Pengerusi dan Presiden Foundation For The Future. Sandra Day O’Connor (no 3 dari kanan), bekas hakim Mahkamah Tinggi Amerika semasa pemerintahan Ronald Reagan dilantik khas oleh kerajaan Amerika untuk menjadi master mind sebenar dalam yayasan itu. Klik di sini
Malah laman Jabatan Negara Amerika menceritakan secara terperinci, maklumat-maklumat Faoundation For The Future yang cuba disembunyikan oleh Anwar. Yayasan ini tidak ditubuhkan oleh Anwar sepertimana yang didakwa tetapi ditubuhkan oleh BMENA (digerakkan oleh Shaha Riza dan Liz Cheney) dan diumumkan oleh Condoleeza Rice, Setiausaha Negara Amerika di Bahrain pada 2005. Klik di sini
Pada 2 Februari 2006, Jabatan Negara Amerika mengumumkan pelantikan Anwar sebagai board of director FFF. Klik di sini Jabatan Negara juga melaporkan beberapa orang lagi board director dilantik, termasuk Sandra Day O’Connor dari United States yang menjadi pemain utama yayasan itu. Klik di sini
Untuk mengetahui rahsia Foundation For The Future yang cuba disembunyikan Anwar, baca artikel sebelum ini, bertajuk “Di sebalik Anwar Ibrahim & Foundation For The Future”. Klik di sini
Kenapa Anwar sembunyikan fakta FFF, apa agenda badan ini ?
Masyarakat Amerika mempertikaikan kenapakah ibu pejabat FFF dirancang akan dibina di Beirut, Lubnan. Kenapa Beirut, kenapa tidak di Baharin, tempat yayasan itu dilancarkan ?
Menjawab persoalan ini, Billmon, blogger Amerika terkemuka di the Daily Kos menulis;
“Ok, sila kaji persoalan ini dengan laporan terkini Seymour Hersh (seorang wartawan penyiasat terkemuka Amerika) berhubung sokongan gelap CIA kepada kumpulan-kumpulan militan anti-Hezbollah Sunni di Lubnan. Selepas menghayatinya, sila renungkan kembali dengan mendalam mengenai skandal Iran-Contra dan pengunaan yayasan-yayasan kebajikan palsu sebagai topeng untuk usaha gelap menyalurkan wang kepada pihak Contra DAN membiayai beberapa tokoh neocon”
Iran-Contra yang dimaksudkan oleh Billmon merujuk “Iran-Contra Affair” semasa pemerintahan Ronald Reagan, di mana kegiatan CIA menjual senjata haram kepada Iran melawan Iraq dan bantuan kewangan CIA kepada kumpulan penentang (Contra) kepada Anastasio Somoza Debayle di Nicaragua. Skandal Iran-Contra menjadi isu utama di Amerika apabila dibongkar oleh para wartawan, akhirnya Reagan menjadikan Oliver Laurence North, dari National Security Council (NSC) sebagai kambing hitam dan dihukum penjara.
Hakikatnya pemenjaraan Oliver North sebagai usaha untuk menutup rahsia penglibatan pentadbiran Ronald Reagen, Presiden Amerika menggunakan CIA dalam aktiviti jahat menumbangkan sesebuah kerajaan di negara luar. Oleh kerana operasi CIA di luar negara telah terbongkar, Reagen telah menubuhkan NED sebagai Yayasan Projek Demokrasi dan semua operasi jahat CIA sebelum ini diserapkan ke dalam NED. Klik di sini
Anwar Ibrahim Panel NED : Kesemua yang berada di dalam gambar di atas adalah peneraju utama NED. Dari kiri Anwar Ibrahim (Panelis/Islam), Tom Donahue (Naib Pengerusi NED), Judy Shelton (Ahli lembaga Pengarah NED) , Senator US, Bill Brock (bekas Pengerusi NED ), Lorne Craner (Presiden IRI /Yahudi), Zainab Bangura, (Panelis/Islam) , Robert Miller (Bendahari NED), Jean Bethke Elshtain (Setiausaha NED /Yahudi),Ellie Larson (Pengarah Eksekutif Solidarity Center) , John Earl Haynes (Perpustakaan Kongres Amerika, Bahagian Manuskrip), Carl Gershman (Presiden NED/Yahudi) , Howard Wolpe (ahli lembaga Pengarah NED / Yahudi) ,Tom Daschle Ahli Lembaga Pengarah NDI/Yahudi) , Gregory Meeks (ahli Lembaga Pengarah NED) , Ken Wollack (Presiden NDI/Yahudi) , John Sullivan (Pengarah Eksekutif CIPE) dan Donald Payne (bekas Ahli Lembaga Pengarah NED)
Jawapan Billmon masih samar, tetapi difahami bahawa tujuan penubuhan badan seperti FFF adalah seumpama modus operandi Iran-Contra di mana CIA akan mewujudkan yayasan-yayasan kebajikan palsu untuk membiaya wang secara gelap kepada pihak yang disokongnya.
Jawapan ini dijelaskan lagi oleh laman web Moon of Alabama, bertajuk, “Wolfowitz, CIA, Lebanon – Get the picture? “. Pemilihan Lubnan sebagai ibu pejabat FFF bertujuan untuk membantu secara gelap kumpulan Fatah melawan kumpulan Hamas. Klik di sini
Lebih menarik lagi Morton Abramowitz, Richard Allen yang terlibat dalam ICG adalah bekas pegawai CIA Reagan yang terlibat dalam skandal Iran-Contra. Klik di sini

Kenapa Dr Bakri Musa memperaku Anwar Ibrahim sama dengan Anwar Sadat ?
Ketika selesai Anwar menyampaikan ceramah bertajuk “Democracy and the Muslim World” pada 11 Oktober 2006, salah seorang penonton yang mendengar ceramah itu di Stanford University membuat kesimpulan bahawa inti ceramah Anwar seperti saranan Anwar Sadat.
Penonton yang membuat komentar itu adalah Dr Bakri Musa, rakyat Malaysia yang menjadi tenaga pengajar di Stanford dan menetap di Amerika.
Persoalannya, kenapakah Dr Bakri Musa, pakar bedah yang pintar boleh menyamakan peranan Anwar Ibrahim seperti Anwar Sadat ?
Persoalannya siapa Anwar Sadat ? Kenapa Anwar Sadat disamakan dengan Anwar Ibrahim ?
Anwar Al Sadat adalah nama kepada Muhammad Anwar Al Sadat, bekas Presiden Mesir yang mati dibunuh pada 6 Oktober 1981 kerana menandatangani perjanjian damai antara Mesir-Israel anjuran Presiden Amerika Syarikat, Jimmy Carter di Washington DC, pada 26 Mac 1979.
Perjanjian itu dibuat antara Anwar Al Sadat, Presiden Mesir dengan Minster Menachem, Perdana Menteri Israel selaras dengan Camp David (1978) anjuran Amerika Syarikat.
Persoalannya benarkah peranan Anwar Ibrahim sama dengan Anwar Al Sadat sepertimana yang didakwa oleh Dr Bakri Musa ?
Kalau tidak benar kenapa pula Dr Bakri Musa, seorang blogger terkenal boleh membuat dakwaan seperti itu ?

Perbicaraan Anwar Ibrahim ditunda ke 8 Julai

KUALA LUMPUR 22 Jun – Perbicaraan kes liwat yang dihadapi oleh Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim yang sepatutnya diadakan di Mahkamah Tinggi di sini mulai 1 Julai ditangguhkan kepada 8 Julai.

Hakim, Datuk Mohamad Zabidin Mohd. Diah menetapkan tarikh tersebut bagi mendengar dua permohonan lain yang dikemukakan oleh Anwar.

Hakim tersebut menetapkan 1 Julai untuk mendengar permohonan Anwar supaya dibekalkan dengan dokumen dan barangan berkaitan kes liwat bekas pembantunya, Mohd. Saiful Bukhari Azlan.

Mahkamah juga akan mendengar pada 8 Julai ini permohonan Ketua Pembangkang tersebut untuk membatalkan pertuduhan liwat yang dihadapinya. - Utusan

Komen: Inilah yang dimahukan oleh Anwar Ibrahim, tangguh sehingga beliau mati. Anwar tetap Anwar ada sahaja alasannya untuk menangguhkan perbicaraan.

Terkenang Masa Dahulu

Aku malas nak menulis berkenaan politik maklumlah dah lama pencen. Kalau di UIA dulu bukan nak sombong jadi mangsa rujukan politik akulah. Sampai jumpa lecturer pun bukan berkenaan dengan masalah pelajaran, politik yang paling banyak disembangkan. Prof Moten, what u'r view about our local political scene nowadays. Menyibuk saja hinggakan Abdul Rahman Tang pun aku sempat ajukan Ustaz dari parti mana MCA ke DAP? Ahahahahahah, biasanya aku lihat banyak lecturers kat UIA nie ada tiga aliran, Yang beraliran anti-establishment banyak kat AIKOL manakala yang pro-establishment pulak kat Student Affairs dan Econs . Tapi setakat yang aku pernah tahu takdalah pulak yang cuba untuk menunjukkan fikrah masing-masing. Selepas aku graduate tak taulah tapi sejak akhir-akhir ini, ada dah yang menunjukkan taring sebenar.

Ah aku malas nak layan. Sejak aku kena kutuk oleh pro wufi macam dah serik pulak aku nak bercakap pasal politik. Biasanya aktiviti aku semasa di semester akhir ialah dengan membuat discussion dengan members seperti Munawar dan Sean. Biasanya sembang politik secara rasional dengan mengaitkan teori konspirasi. Lepas tu kalau ada banyak masa melepak dengan Zainal dan geng Din kelantan. Aku tak kisahlah kalau mereka tu pro-pas ke atau pro-UMNO€ apa yang penting kami happy apabila bercerita. Kadangkala seronok jugak bersembang sehingga jam 3 pagi. Alahai kesian Munawar kena balik hostel jam 3 pagi. Biasanya ada lagi discussion yang kami buat yang biasanya menaikkan darah iaitu isu Dunia. Aha aha.

 

Dalam tahun 2006 aku tidak balik kerana isu Baitulmal aku, sehinggakan mengundi pun aku tidak balik. Perkara yang aku terkilan sehingga kini. Mengundi untuk memilih ADUN, benda yang penting sekali.

 

Nasib baiklah pada waktu tue Radio Sarawak ada menyiarkan lintas langsung terus ke K.L so dapatlah aku melepaskan rindu selama 13 jam dengan radio sarawak. Gara-gara Pilihanraya negeri, aku dah siap pada malamnya dengan pen dan pamplet untuk mendapatkan keputusan rasmi. Maka aku dan Munawarlah yang ada kat bilik waktu tu. He he apa lagi kami buatlah analisis berdasarkan suratkhabar yang aku beli sejak dari hari penamaan calon. Best gila sampai 2 pagi aku dan Munawar buat analisis. Macam bodoh jugak perbuatan aku macam disuruh pulak. So apabila analisis dibuat tahulah kami trend pengundian di negeri Sarawak, BN cuma boleh mengharapkan sokongan Bumiputera manakala Bukan Bumiputera dah bagi solid kat DAP dan PKR, terutama di kawasan bandar.

 

Apa sebabnya? Akan dijelaskan pada bulan 10 nanti iaitu masa panas untuk memperkatakan tentang pilihanraya Sarawak. Masih ada lagi keratan akhbar, majalah dan juga buku berkenaan dengan pilihanraya negeri Sarawak. Walaupun melabur hampir RM 400 untuk membeli buku yang kebanyakannya original tapi aku tak kisah yang penting aku dapat apa yang aku hendak. 

Terkenang Masa Dahulu

Aku malas nak menulis berkenaan politik maklumlah dah lama pencen. Kalau di UIA dulu bukan nak sombong jadi mangsa rujukan politik akulah. Sampai jumpa lecturer pun bukan berkenaan dengan masalah pelajaran, politik yang paling banyak disembangkan. Prof Moten, what u'r view about our local political scene nowadays. Menyibuk saja hinggakan Abdul Rahman Tang pun aku sempat ajukan Ustaz dari parti mana MCA ke DAP? Ahahahahahah, biasanya aku lihat banyak lecturers kat UIA nie ada tiga aliran, Yang beraliran anti-establishment banyak kat AIKOL manakala yang pro-establishment pulak kat Student Affairs dan Econs . Tapi setakat yang aku pernah tahu takdalah pulak yang cuba untuk menunjukkan fikrah masing-masing. Selepas aku graduate tak taulah tapi sejak akhir-akhir ini, ada dah yang menunjukkan taring sebenar.

Ah aku malas nak layan. Sejak aku kena kutuk oleh pro wufi macam dah serik pulak aku nak bercakap pasal politik. Biasanya aktiviti aku semasa di semester akhir ialah dengan membuat discussion dengan members seperti Munawar dan Sean. Biasanya sembang politik secara rasional dengan mengaitkan teori konspirasi. Lepas tu kalau ada banyak masa melepak dengan Zainal dan geng Din kelantan. Aku tak kisahlah kalau mereka tu pro-pas ke atau pro-UMNO€ apa yang penting kami happy apabila bercerita. Kadangkala seronok jugak bersembang sehingga jam 3 pagi. Alahai kesian Munawar kena balik hostel jam 3 pagi. Biasanya ada lagi discussion yang kami buat yang biasanya menaikkan darah iaitu isu Dunia. Aha aha.

 

Dalam tahun 2006 aku tidak balik kerana isu Baitulmal aku, sehinggakan mengundi pun aku tidak balik. Perkara yang aku terkilan sehingga kini. Mengundi untuk memilih ADUN, benda yang penting sekali.

 

Nasib baiklah pada waktu tue Radio Sarawak ada menyiarkan lintas langsung terus ke K.L so dapatlah aku melepaskan rindu selama 13 jam dengan radio sarawak. Gara-gara Pilihanraya negeri, aku dah siap pada malamnya dengan pen dan pamplet untuk mendapatkan keputusan rasmi. Maka aku dan Munawarlah yang ada kat bilik waktu tu. He he apa lagi kami buatlah analisis berdasarkan suratkhabar yang aku beli sejak dari hari penamaan calon. Best gila sampai 2 pagi aku dan Munawar buat analisis. Macam bodoh jugak perbuatan aku macam disuruh pulak. So apabila analisis dibuat tahulah kami trend pengundian di negeri Sarawak, BN cuma boleh mengharapkan sokongan Bumiputera manakala Bukan Bumiputera dah bagi solid kat DAP dan PKR, terutama di kawasan bandar.

 

Apa sebabnya? Akan dijelaskan pada bulan 10 nanti iaitu masa panas untuk memperkatakan tentang pilihanraya Sarawak. Masih ada lagi keratan akhbar, majalah dan juga buku berkenaan dengan pilihanraya negeri Sarawak. Walaupun melabur hampir RM 400 untuk membeli buku yang kebanyakannya original tapi aku tak kisah yang penting aku dapat apa yang aku hendak. 

Logo Perkhidmatan Awam Sarawak Baru

Dilancarkan pada Mac 2009

Cita-cita tidak kesampaian untuk berkhidmat dengan Kerajaan Negeri. Tetapi Alhamdulillah berkhidmat juga dengan Kerajaan Persekutuan. Jawatan bukan untuk glamor tetapi amanah lebih-lebih lagi aku seorang guru.

Motto perkhidmatan aku

"Integriti" - simple dan padat

Sumber bahan daripada: Kementerian Kemudahan Awam Sarawak

                                            Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia

                                            Ensiklopedia bebas wikipedia

Kuburan Rosli, Pak Bujang, Morshidi dan Awang Rambli di Masjid Annur Sibu

Sumber : http://pemudapbb46.blogspot.com

Panggilan- Mu Yang Suci

Panggilan-Mu yang Suci

Wahai pemuda harapan bangsa

Segeralah bangun membuatkan jasa

Kebangunanmu menyedarkan Melayu bangsa

Kehalusan kemajuan aman sentosa

Wahai pemuda bercita suci

Kekalkan Sarawak negara kita yang asli

Meskipun bagaimana ancaman terjadi

Hendaklah sehidup semati

Mengibarkan bendera menggambarkan hati

Menunjukkan rupa bangsa dan negeri

Mengenangkan hak di tanah air sendiri

Wahai pemuda yang bersemangatkan gelisah

Insaflah pada perjuangan bangsa

Lambat-bangat ditakzir Allah

Bangsa dan tanah air tetap merdeka

Kudos to  http://sejarah2u.blogspot.com

Warkah Terakhir untuk Orang Negara Sarawak

Surat di bawah merupakan warkah terakhir Rosli Dhoby kepada ra'ayat Sarawak. Surat ini telah diserahkan oleh Rosli kepada seorang warden yang amat dipercayainya bernama Sumarja Muhammad, atau Pak S. Oleh itu atas nama perjuangan yang belum selesai saya berharap selagi nafas kita masih ada sebarkanlah surat ini untuk kita kemudi negeri Sarawak ini untuk agama bangsa dan tanah air.

Dengan secharek kertas ini dan se‑putung pensil untuk renungan sepanjang masa. Saya si‑penulis Rosli Dhobi dalam lindungan Permai. Saudara2 dan saudari2 sa‑perjuangan, saya ta' lama lagi akan meninggalkan jejak tanah tumpah darakku yang ku chintai, dan utama sekali ayah bunda yang ku kasehi dan saudara2 semua, dengan nama Allah sifat pemurah dan pengampun saya menyusun 10 jari mohon ampun dan maaf atas kesalahan saya yang telah terjadi selama ini, saga sanggup berkorban nyawa untuk memperbaiki raayat yang telah di‑ budaki oleh penjajah, saya mengaku dan terima apa2 kesalahan di dunia ini saya ta'genter saya ta'takut mati, saya terima hukuman yang telah di jatohkan di‑mahkamah.

Saya berdoa kepada Allah s. w. t. Saudara2 saudari2 di‑akhir kelak balek ke‑pengkuan Ibu‑pertiwi. Sungguh begitu saya sudah sanggup menghapuskan orang putih yang berasin dan datang‑nya tetapi saya sudah tidak ada di dunia ini nama saya tetap harum seluroh Dunia sa‑genap plusuk. Akhir kata, hey! Saudara2 Saudari2 sekalian berjuanglah jangan mundur majulah ka hadapan

Amin ya rabbul alamin berkat do a laillahaitlahi Munamada rasululah. Dan saga uchapkan jutaan terima kasih kepada saudara Pa. S. Allah sahajalah yang akan membalas budi jasa‑nya dengan penuh layanan, nasiha yang belom pernah di‑dengar oleh saya dari awal hingga akhir.

Harapan ini surat jangan sekali di‑beri sesiapa pun. Simpan baik‑bai, barangkali di‑lain masa ada guna‑nya.

Ditulis pada 1‑3‑1950

Saya yang akan meninggalkan endah ini,

R.D.

Tanggal 2 Mac 1950 beliau telah dijatuhkan hukuman gantung dan dikebumikan di Penjara Kuching bersama-sama Awang Rambli Mohd Deli , Bujang Suntong dan Morshidi Sidek.

Selepas 46 tahun bersemadi di penjara Kuching tanpa bernisan, tulang-temulang mereka kemudiannya dikebumikan semula di Masjid An-Nur Sibu pada 2 Mac 1996. Al Fatihah

Today in History

Article Excerpt
After raiders from Indonesian Kalimantan killed the Chief Minister's brother on 27 June 1965, retribution fell on the local Chinese, although Special Branch investigations indicated they had not been directly involved in the raid on the 18th Mile police station. British military leaders and the head of the Malaysian Police Force pressed for the immediate resettlement of some 60,000 Chinese in areas where there were communists. Fortunately for many Chinese, the voice of an Acting Chief Secretary prevailed and resettlement was limited to some 8,000 living in the vicinity of the raid. (1) The Acting Chief Secretary was John Pike. 

********** 

The ending of World War Two in Europe (4 May 1945) signaled the beginning of the end for Japanese supremacy in the Far East. By then John Pike, who had studied Japanese at university, was a captain in the Intelligence Corps. (2) He had been commissioned in late 1943 upon his arrival in India, attached very briefly to the Rajputana Rifles, then posted to Advanced HQ, 11 Army Group, Ceylon, where he was sworn in to the Ultra [secret] list. (3) He worked on the Japanese Order of Battle, which was essential for the planning of Operation Zipper to oust the Japanese occupying forces from Malaya. (4) After leave and more study of Japanese, Pike was about to begin parachute training to go with the paratroopers on Operation Zipper when the atom bomb was dropped on Hiroshima. (5) Immediately the airdrop part of Operation Zipper was canceled and Pike was posted to Pegu in Burma. After the Japanese surrender on 2 September 1945, he became involved in looking into war crimes with an emphasis on segregating Japanese soldiers who were to be tried for war crimes from those to be repatriated. 

At that time the Merdeka (freedom from Dutch rule) movement was sweeping through Indonesia. After the Japanese surrender, the Japanese 2nd Guards Division in Northern Sumatra handed over most of their weapons to the local Acehnese, assuming they would turn the weapons against the incoming British and Dutch troops. (6) But the Acehnese turned on the Japanese instead, driving them out of their barracks and pinning them down in a 1,000-meter perimeter trench on the beach. Responding to urgent calls for help, Pike and a small group were sent to help extricate the Japanese safely, culminating in his group calling on HMS Caprice, a British frigate, to provide covering firepower while the Japanese were withdrawn by sea. Pike then spent the next 72 hours in non-stop interrogation of Japanese prisoners while returning to Singapore in a Japanese ship in rough seas. (7) In late 1945 following a short stint in the translation section in Singapore dealing with captured Japanese documents, Pike was posted to Kuching, Sarawak, as the second-in-command of the South East Asian Translation and Interrogation Center (SEATIC) Detachment, Borneo. (8) En route, he was briefed in Labuan, the HQ of the 32nd Infantry Brigade, and then flown to Kuching, where he was attached to the 9/14 Punjab, one of the 32nd Infantry Brigade's three battalions. 

Travel outside towns in Sarawak was mostly by river and on foot due to lack of roads. (9) One of Pike's early assignments was to recapture two Japanese POWs who were suspected of war crimes and had escaped. Both were armed. The trail led into Dutch Borneo (Kalimantan) through tropical rainforest in undulating terrain where Pike and his patrol group of soldiers and police faced a constant hazard of possible ambush. However, everyone returned to base safely but empty-handed after discovering that Dayaks had already decapitated both POWs. (10) On another occasion, Pike escorted six Japanese POWs suspected of war crimes from Pending to Pontianak in Dutch West Borneo by Sunderland flying-boat. (11) After leaving them at Pending on the Sunderland under only a light guard, Pike belatedly realized the POWs could take over the plane in flight as one was a licensed pilot; so he organized more guards before take off. This was fortunate for the Japanese, as they had been responsible for the assassination of the Sultan of Pontianak and on arrival had to be protected from angry local Indonesians intent on taking revenge. 

Sarawak was in a constant flux of change between 1945 and 1966. At the end of 1945 Sarawak was nominally an independent country under the Brooke dynasty, but debilitated by three years of Japanese occupation. The British Borneo Civil Affairs Unit was providing interim civil administration, and surviving pre-occupation Sarawak Administrative Service (SAS) expatriate officers had begun to resume their posts. (12) In his military role, Pike was exposed to and mixed with both the local people and SAS officers. Over a few months in early 1946, he became impressed by "the open, friendly, and essentially egalitarian relationships [of the expatriate administrative officers] with local people--in contrast to the 'apartheid' of post-mutiny India and the 'Club' world of expatriates in Malaya." (13) Pike was also attracted to the tradition of SAS officers traveling extensively in their districts and that "one stayed in the longhouses of the people and slept on the floor and shared one's food and shared the rather heavy drinking sessions ... and heard [legal] cases seated on the floor of the longhouse without any pomp or circumstance." (14) 

Finding this atmosphere "perhaps unique in the colonial empire" and imbued with ideals, Pike wrote to the Third Rajah, Charles Vyner Brooke, seeking to join the SAS, only to receive a reply that Sarawak was about to be ceded to the British Crown. In turn, the Colonial Office replied to a similar letter saying that Sarawak was not a British possession. Happily for his long-term future, Pike wrote to his college in Oxford for a Class B release from the Army, to complete his degree. (15) Completing his tasks in Sarawak in April 1946, he was posted to command the SEATIC Detachment in Sumatra. But he was quickly recalled to HQ, Allied Land Forces South East Asia in Singapore to work on the Russia order of battle in Manchuria and Siberia. (16) On 1 July 1946 Sarawak was ceded to Britain following a controversial vote in Sarawak's Council Negri (legislature). (17) Pike was released from the army in September and flown back to the UK for the start of Oxford's academic year, which he would have missed if he had been repatriated by troopship. Shortly after arrival he received a letter from the Colonial Office asking if he were still interested in overseas service. Resisting pressure to serve in other territories, Pike reached an agreement with the Colonial Office to complete his degree, attend the first Devonshire course, and return to Sarawak at the end of 1948. (18) Married on 17 December, his wife accompanied him to Kuching. (19) 

In early 1949 after a short induction in Kuching, SAS cadet officer Pike was posted to the Sarikei Sub-District downriver from Sibu, the capital of the Third Division. (20) Alastair Morrison, Pike's immediate predecessor in Sarikei, described the life of an outstation cadet officer in his book Fair Land Sarawak. (21) Pike quickly noted that the SAS tradition of visiting and staying in Dayak longhouses did not extend to staying in local houses in Malay kampungs or in Chinese homes. (22) This, he felt, led to a slightly more remote relationship with the Malays and the Chinese. He became aware that the British policy after cession of treating everyone equally had undermined the special pre-cession position of primus inter pares of the Malays vis-a-vis the other two main racial groups (Chinese and Dayaks) and had created resentment. (23) He also noted the contrast between the formality of officers who had served in Africa and the friendly relationship between the people and officers who had served under the Brookes. The first British governor was Sir Charles Arden Clarke, who had served in Basutoland and tended to be rather formal. (24) In sharp contrast, the Commissioner General, Malcolm MacDonald, was informal and friendly, building up a strong personal rapport with many local people in Sarawak. (25) Illustrating this, for a time Sir Charles insisted on taking a chair when he visited longhouses, whereas everyone else sat on the floor. This came to an abrupt end after Malcolm MacDonald pulled the chair from under Sir Charles, who "to the great delight of all, crashed to the floor and who never then got back on a chair when traveling to longhouses." (26) 

Writing in the Sarawak Gazette on 7 October 1949, Pike postulated that economic strength was a prerequisite of independence, and that neither Sarawak nor British North Borneo had large reserves upon which to draw. (27) He pointed out that Colonial Development and Welfare Funds could provide little more than a "pump primer" for development. For any development that created enough revenue to support interest and amortization charges on 20-year loans, Pike suggested foreign borrowing with suitable safeguards to prevent exploitation. (28) To foster the creation of capital, he suggested replacing a simple self-sufficiency economy by promoting a spirit of individual enterprise. Pike also drew attention to Sarawak's oil concession, describing it as "extremely disadvantageous to the Government." (29) As a cadet officer his views had little weight, but over time his observations were accepted and introduced. (30) 

In late 1949 Pike was posted to the Binatang Sub-District near Sibu as Assistant District Officer, once again following Alastair Morrison. (31) As an independent country under the Brookes, by 1941 Sarawak had a reasonably well-established hierarchal court and appeal system, and codified laws covered mainly in local Ordinances and native customary law. Sarawak Criminal Law was contained in the Criminal Procedure and Penal Codes based on the Indian (Colonial) Codes. Under English common law, existing laws of ceded countries applied until altered by the Crown. (32) After passing examinations in law during their cadetship, SAS officers usually became responsible for administering the law in the lower courts in their districts. There were no private practicing lawyers in Sarawak until February 1950 and Pike's newly acquired knowledge of Sarawak law was quickly put to the test. (33) 

The anti-cession movement that began in 1946 was still active when the new governor, Duncan George Stewart, arrived in Sarawak on 19 November 1949. (34) Accompanied by other officials, he was being welcomed by a line of school children during his first official visit to Sibu on 3 December 1949, when Rosli Dhobie (18) thrust a knife in his abdomen. John Barcroft, the Resident of the Third Division, and the governor's private secretary, Dilks, thwarted a second would-be attacker, Morshidi Sidek (25). (35) Stewart was quickly flown to Singapore, but died seven days later after two unsuccessful operations. (36) Rosli and Morshidi were arrested immediately and subsequently committed to trial on 5 January 1950. (37) Barcroft ordered Pike, who had been appointed a Magistrate, 3rd Class, on 1 January 1950, to act as their defense counsel. (38) The trial was held in Sibu before Judge D. R. Lascelles and five assessors, three Malays, one Dayak, and one Chinese. (39) By then, Rukun Tiga-belas, the secret anti-cession group behind the assassination, had been uncovered and ten of its members had been arrested and charged with conspiracy to murder. (40) On 28 August 1948, the leader of this secret group, Awang Rambli bin Mohammed Deli had convinced the members that "if we kill the Governor, our country will quickly regain freedom [from the British]" and then the Brooke dynasty could be reinstated with Anthony Brooke, the Tuan Muda, as Rajah. (41) 

In his defense speech, Pike pointed out both the accused were young and impressionable and had been driven to act by "a discredited Government servant [Awang Rambli] who has not the courage to act for himself and drives small innocent people to do his dirty work for him." (42) He also pointed out their background of having endured the Japanese occupation "when a true appreciation of values of law and order" was missing and that both had helped the Crown to uncover the Rukun Tiga-belas movement. Both Rosli and Morshidi admitted their guilt, spoke of being instigated by Rambli, and pleaded for clemency. Judge Lascelles sentenced both to death by hanging, saying their "names will go down in the history of Sarawak [as men] who cowardly murdered an innocent man." (43) Another SAS officer records that "when the trial was over, relatives of the accused bitterly rounded on Pike and he narrowly escaped at the very least a serious assault." (44) 

The war in Korea (1950-1953) created a boom market in rubber and pepper, two of Sarawak's staple exports at that time. (45) Income from rubber exports more than trebled between 1949 and 1950, and by another 40 per cent in 1951. (46) Similarly pepper exports doubled between 1949 and 1950 and quadrupled again in 1951. (47) But both rubber and pepper were long-term crops and there had been little rubber replanting since World War Two. Most Chinese farmers benefitted from the boom, but some missed out due to their rubber trees and pepper plants no longer being productive or new plantings not being ready for tapping or pepper collection. An "astonishing number of Chinese" who failed in this way committed suicide. Pike's most poignant memory when at Binatang "was the frequency of calls to him as a newly appointed Third Class Magistrate to view the bodies." (48) 

On 25 February 1951 Pike was appointed District Officer to the Lawas District, once again preceded by Morrison. (49) For convenience, although unofficial, Bareo on the Kelabit plateau some 180 kilometers from Lawas by land and river came within the Lawas District area of influence. (50) Before Pike's first visit to Bareo, he asked Tom Harrisson, an experienced traveler in the region, if there were any route that avoided crossing into Indonesian Kalimantan. (51) Told there was not, Pike followed the accepted route and was arrested by the local Penghulu when he crossed the border near Ba Kelalan. (52) He was escorted to his opposite number, the Kiai (District Head), at nearby Long Bawang, where he was able to provide some much-needed medicine. (53) Pike was allowed to continue on his journey unhindered and the goodwill his gesture created was not forgotten. On another visit some years later, his arrival at Long Bawang was greeted with a very unique rendition of the British national anthem by the local bamboo pipe band. After two explorations, Pike found an old rhino trail over Gunung Murud (2,423 meters), and Tom Harrisson said it would be shown on maps and given the name "Pike's Path." (54) His magisterial duties also had their less serious moments. The recently opened cinema in Lawas showed many American wild-west movies, moving a person accused of stealing buffalo to say in his own defense, saya jadi cowboy tuan ('I have become a cowboy, Sir'). 

When King George VI died on 6 February 1952, Pike received a signal from the Resident of the Fifth Division instructing him to honor Elizabeth II becoming the Queen of England with a local proclamation ceremony. (55) With no guidelines of how this should be done, he tuned into the BBC and his wife took down the official proclamation in shorthand. Lawas was then treated to Elizabeth II being proclaimed Queen in a local ceremony that followed the official proclamation in London word for word. Some sixteen months later, Pike took the salute of the local Constabulary celebrating the Coronation of Queen Elisabeth. (56) In the meantime, Pike had been on leave and had attended the Second Devonshire Course in Oxford (September 1952 to April 1953), where he added to his language skills by specializing in Mandarin. (57) 

In the first stages of devolution of power to an electorate, in 1947 Governor Arden Clarke had formulated a four-tier local government system. (58) A year later, the Local Authority Ordinance was enacted, providing for full development of Local Government throughout Sarawak. (59) Local authorities were gradually established and began to take over local government activities from government officers. (60) After his return from leave, Pike was deeply involved in setting up the first multi-racial Lawas District Council, which was then established on 1 January 1954. (61) Since in the early years members were selected by communities and/or nominated by government, achieving a viable working group from various ethnic groups was a delicate task. (62) The selection process was reasonably successful in Lawas as two members of the Lawas District Council later became distinguished members of the Council Negri. (63) On a more negative note, while Pike was in Lawas he and his wife were refused entry to Brunei for dental treatment. Barcroft was the British Resident of Brunei at the time and refused entry on the grounds that Pike had left Sarawak without the Secretary of State's permission. (64) Pike had to call on the help of the Resident at Limbang, John Fisher, to sort this out. (65) However, he had to be completely self-reliant when placed in a very dangerous situation of his own making, which showed the close relationship between SAS officers in the field and the local people. (66) 

One of the residents of Lawas was a rather likeable but volatile Sikh who was so prone to running afoul of authority that he was close to being declared an undesirable person and expelled from Sarawak. (67) Morrison, Pike's predecessor in Lawas, had advised the Sikh could be dangerous when "full of brandy" and that his shotgun, which had been confiscated, should not be returned. (68) Worn down by constant pestering for return of the shotgun, Pike finally agreed with the Sikh that his shotgun would be returned, providing his drinking was limited to beer and he remained on good behavior for six months. (69) The shotgun was duly returned and peace reigned for a time. Then Pike had to intervene in a quarrel between the Sikh and his arch-enemy, possibly causing the Sikh to lose face. In the middle of the night a few days later, the Sikh appeared outside Pike's house shouting that he was going to shoot him. With the safety of his wife and two children also compromised, a very alarmed Pike slowly opened the door and walked down the steps to confront a brandy-charged Sikh with a raised shotgun ready to fire. Pike managed to persuade the Sikh to hand over the spare cartridges by saying only one was needed to kill him and that he was sure there was no intention to harm Pike's wife and children. After further persuasion the Sikh removed the last cartridge from the breach and, handing it to Pike, finally agreed to let Pike take him home. The police, who had been keeping out of harm's way, then appeared, asking Pike if he was all right. After that Pike took far more notice of any advice from his predecessors. 

On 10 July 1954, Pike was appointed District Officer of the Lower Rajang District based at Sarikei. (70) His normal routine of adjudication, administration, and travel throughout his area of jurisdiction was disturbed at the end of 1954 by what initially seemed a minor matter. To help finance an increase in expenditure on education and offset lower prices for staple exports, in the 1955 budget the government decided to raise an additional $31 1/2 million by increasing trade license fees 500 to 1,000 percent. (71) Opposition to the new fees from the predominantly Chinese business community quickly escalated. (72) Initiated and led by the politically astute Cantonese kapitan of Sarikei, Chert Koh Ming, a ten-day hartal in Sibu, Sarikei and Binatang began on 1 January 1955. (73) Importers in those towns refused to take delivery of cargo, all shops and businesses closed, and bus and taxi services ceased. (74) To keep trade moving in Sarikei, Pike commandeered the Customs godowns at Binatang and Sarikei and goods not accepted by their importers were sold to the public. (75) Kuching and its environs joined the protests with a three-day hartal that began on 7 January. (76) Spurred into action, on 1 January the government conceded license fees could be paid by installments, set up a committee to examine revising Trade Licensing fees on 7 January, and accepted its recommendations on 13 January. (77) The Council Negri passed the resulting amendments to the Trade Licensing Ordinance on 30 March, but not without protest. (78) It is known that Pike was recommended for a MBE at this time. Was the recommendation due to his firm yet peaceful handling of the hartal in Sarikei? But the recommendation was blocked. (79) 

Just as Pike had established local government in the Lawas District, he did the same for the rural areas in the Lower Rajang District outside the Sarikei and Binatang Municipal Councils that covered those townships. (80) To do this, Pike split the Lower Rajang District into two parts and over time set up the Sarikei District Council and the Binatang District Council. This had to be a slow and meticulous operation, as persons of influence and standing in the community acceptable to both the people and the government had to be selected. Some of them later became members of the Council Negri, including Chen Koh Ming who became a prominent parliamentarian. 

As a First Class Magistrate, Pike adjudicated in both civil and criminal cases. (81) In an opium smuggling case that came before his District Court, the Constabulary seized some opium, providing conclusive proof that several of the accused were guilty. Pike sentenced them to appropriate periods of imprisonment, which collectively added up to 50 years. (82) Some eight years later, Abang Othman, the head of the Constabulary in the Lower Rajang police district at the time, told Pike that the smugglers had offered him a substantial bribe to leave the keys of his safe in his desk, so that the opium could be switched for an innocuous substance. (83) Asked why he had refused the bribe, Abang said his wife would have gone on a spending spree buying new clothes for the entire family and bicycles for the children, and "then you would have known." (84) To Pike's relief, his magisterial duties ended when, following a few month's leave at the end of 1955, he was posted to the Secretariat in Kuching as Principal Assistant Secretary (PAS) Finance. (85) 

Pike had a good grounding in central government over the following eight years, serving consecutively as PAS Finance (1956-1959), PAS Local Government (1959), PAS Economic (1960-1961), and Under-Secretary Finance and Planning (1962-1963). (86) When J. C. H. Barcroft, the Financial Secretary, fell ill in 1957, Pike wrote the government's budget speech, an unusual responsibility for the PAS Finance. (87) While Pike was the PAS Finance, his wife became seriously ill and was flown to Singapore. (88) Ignoring refusal of his application to leave Sarawak, Pike visited his wife in Singapore, his disobedience being allowed to pass without comment. (89) 

By 1958, government revenues together with Colonial Development and Welfare funds could not cover the cost of development considered essential for the future of Sarawak. (90) Sarawak had no public debt at that time. Pike thought that the UK government's Macmillan Bonds would appeal to the general public, as the bonds included an element of chance by annual drawing of lots for early redemption of bonds at matured value. (91) The outcome was an advertisement on 1 July 1958 in the Sarawak Tribune offering nominally ten-year $10 debentures with a redemption value of $14. (92) Lots were to be drawn annually for one tenth of the debentures, which could be redeemed immediately at full value. (93) Although not as successful as hoped, in 1958 over $1.5 million debenture bonds were issued, a sizable amount considering government revenue was just over $52 million. 

While acting as Secretary for Local Government, Pike drew up Sessional Paper No 1 of 1959 "The Financing of Primary Education and Financial Assistance to Local Authorities." (94) Passed by the Council Negri in August 1959, the paper made Local Authorities responsible for meeting part of the cost of primary education, another phase in placing responsibility for local affairs firmly in their hands. At the same time the legislation replaced existing racially-based tax systems; the Chinese (occupied house tax), the Dayaks (door tax), and the Malays (head tax); with a broad rating system for all races that did not offend any racial sensibilities. (95) To provide local authorities with the will to collect the rates, the government offered a grant of $1.50 for every $1 collected. Setting up and empowering multi-racial local authorities was the government's primary means of removing racial barriers and giving increasing self-governance. As the paper's architect and writer, Pike visited every district in Sarawak to explain to local authorities the implications of the paper, held press interviews, and spoke on Radio Sarawak. This extremely important piece of legislation operated successfully for the next eight years, fulfilling its primary political purpose. (96) 

In May 1961, Pike, then the Acting Economic Secretary, and Ong Kee Hui, the Chairman of the Sarawak United People's Party, attended a special marketing meeting of the Economic Commission for Asia and Far East (ECAFE) in Bangkok. At the meeting, Pike and Ong argued without success for a producer's organization to stabilize pepper prices. (97) ECAFE conferences were useful in enabling politicians and high-level government officers to meet their counterparts in other UN member states and exchange ideas on development. (98) For Pike, being nominated by Jakeway to attend a course in Washington at the World Bank's Economic Development Institute (EDI) in 1961-1962 proved far more useful. Some eighteen senior civil servants from all over the world attended the course, many later becoming finance ministers or governors of central banks. The EDI course together with discussions with the other attendees, whose experience and problems were generally similar, proved very valuable in formulating proposals and implementing policies throughout Pike's subsequent career. (99) While in Washington, Pike wrote a 72-page monograph, "The Fiscal Implications for Sarawak of Entering a Federation of Malaysia," which was accepted by the World Bank Library in March 1962. (100) 

As many others in the community, Pike had reservations about Sarawak becoming a member state in a proposed Federation of Malaysia. But he finally concluded that, as Fourth Division Resident J. C. B. Fisher wrote at the time, "... in the long run I believe that it [joining Malaysia] is worth it, and indeed our only alternative ... Please God that I am right." (101) On his return to Sarawak, Pike, as Under Secretary, Finance and Planning, was deeply involved in negotiating terms and conditions under which Sarawak would become a state within the proposed Federation of Malaysia. With primary responsibilities for the fiscal implications of joining Malaysia, Pike had the satisfaction of playing a useful role in negotiating an agreement that committed Malaya to "use its best endeavors to enable this amount [$300 million] of development expenditure to be achieved [spread over five years]." (102) Pike's responsibilities also included overseeing the preparation of Sarawak's 1964-1968 $343 million Development Plan that provided a virtual blueprint of how the promised funds would be spent. On 15 September 1963, Pike was one of those bidding farewell to Sarawak's fourth and last British Governor, Sir Alexander Waddell, ushering in a new era with an indirectly elected state government within the Federation of Malaysia. (103) 

With the advent of Malaysia, expatriate Administrative Officers in Sarawak were offered either immediate retirement with suitable compensation or four years further service with compensation for loss of pension spread over five years. (104) Among others opting for four years further service were John Pike and Tony Shaw, who was appointed State Secretary when Malaysia was formed. (105) Stephen Kalong Ningkan, a Second Division Iban, became the Chief Minister of Sarawak and the chairman of the Supreme Council (cabinet or executive council). Ningkan led a coalition government of competing, ethnically based political parties that had differing levels of empathy with the Federal government. Malaysia and, in particular, Sarawak were facing a hostile Indonesia. Indonesian army cross-border raids from Kalimantan helped by Sarawak communist elements were increasing, and Indonesian and Commonwealth troops were being built up along the Sarawak-Kalimantan border. (106) 

State Financial Secretary B.A. St. J. Hepburn presented Sarawak's 1964-1968 Development Plan on 12 November, gave his last Budget speech on 3 December 1964, and a week later moved to an appointment in Kuala Lumpur. (107) Pike was confirmed as State Financial Secretary on 1 January 1964, and thus directly responsible to Chief Minister Kalong Ningkan. As well as dealing directly with Kalong Ningkan and his ministers, Pike became an ex-officio member of the Council Negri, taking part in its meetings and exercising voting powers. Pike also became Sarawak's representative on the National Development Committee, charged with integrating Sarawak's Development Plan with the first Malaysia Development Plan. In this role, to estimate Sarawak's national income for the first time, a difficult task in a partially subsistence economy, Pike successfully pressed for a statistician within his section. 

On 26 February 1964, a page 5 headline in the Sarawak Tribune read: "Pike Weathers the Storm in the Council Negeri [Negri]: Lively Session All Way." A week prior to Chinese New Year (13 February) and Hari Raya (15 February), important festivities in the Sarawak calendar, the Sarawak Government Asian Officers Union (SGAOU) had requested either prepayment of their February salaries or advance salaries. (108) Although at one stage the union threatened to strike, the government stood firm and made no prepayments or advances. For the Opposition, this was an ideal opportunity to gain some political capital and a series of potentially damaging questions were asked. However, Pike had done his homework, pointing out that in the previous decade, when the festivals fell in the first half of the month, no advances were made nor was the Personal Advances Public Officers Fund adequate to meet the union's demand. (109) The Tribune reported that "Mr. Pike, however, calmly manoeuvred his way out of the 'cross-fire' to hit back hard and strong at the Opposition speakers ... and on occasion had the House roaring with laughter with his witty answers." 

Pike's 1965 Budget attracted the headline "Our Economic Life Proceeds on Steady Course," but Sarawak was still facing incursions by Indonesian troops, militant communism, growing signs of instability in the various political alliances, and a volatile hubristic Chief Minister whose "personal conduct continued to give much offence." (110) In late 1964 when pressed by the Opposition for reasons why two secretaries always accompanied him to Kuala Lumpur, Chief Minister Ningkan raised his voice, saying, "You bloody Opposition." (111) Later in the debate he challenged member Chan Siaw Hee "to go outside Chambers." Proposed Land Bills intended to free up land held under Native Title for development aroused strident political opposition, providing an opportunity to try to overthrow Ningkan. (112) Political parties realigned presaging collapse of Ningkan's government, but Shaw and Pike felt that at this critical time Sarawak's interests were best served by avoiding this. (113) They managed to persuade the Commonwealth security forces to fly an influential Chinese businessman, Ling Beng Siew, to Kuching at a few hours' notice to persuade Temenggong Jugah, the paramount chief of the Third Division Ibans, to join a Chinese-Iban alliance. (114) This proved successful and on the next day, 11 May, the Land Bills were withdrawn, saving the government for the time being. Seven days later a correspondent in the Sarawak Tribune wrote that "it is an undeniable fact that Inche Taib, his Uncle Rahman and their company are making the Land Bills as an excuse for them to topple the Government of Dato Stephen Kalong Ningkan." (115) 

The government was still in danger of imminent collapse as two political parties, Pesaka and Barjasa, had withdrawn from the group of parties holding governance (the Alliance), ostensibly over the Land Bills issue. (116) Pesaka was Jugah's party and thus would continue to support the government, but to retain a safe working majority the support of another party was essential. (117) To attract another party to the Alliance, on 11 May Pike proposed removing himself and the other two ex-officio members (the State Secretary and the Attorney-General) from the Supreme Council, to be offset by creating three new ministries. (118) Immediately approved, the necessary Constitutional Amendment Bill was prepared overnight, tabled the next day, and approved...

Source :From British military intelligence to financial secretary of Sarawak: John Pike 1945-1967.(Biography)

Retrieved on : 10 June 2009

Politik Sarawak kini secara ringkas

Politik Sarawak masih tenang setenang Sungai Sarawak yang tiada gelora. 

Pemilihan Agung PBB akan berlangsung pada tahun 2010

Dewan Undangan Negeri bagi sesi terakhir penggal ke-10 masih berbaki 1 tahun 11 bulan lagi.

SUPP merupakan parti terawal akan menyiarkan senarai calon.

Suasana sedih di dalam keluarga YAB Ketua Menteri Sarawak masih belum membenarkan beliau untuk mengumumkan senarai kabinet barunya.

Krisis kepimpinan PRS masih belum selesai, tetapi diusahakan secara dalaman. 

Adun Ngemah Gabriel Adit yang menjadi calon BEBAS dalam pilihanraya dahulu  menyertai pembangkang iaitu PKR.

PKR mengadakan reformasi di dalam kepimpinan negeri dengan melantik Mustafa Kamil Ayub sebagai Pengerusi Negeri. Manakala Dominique Ng menjadi penasihat parti bersama-sama Datuk Hafsah dan Encik Wan Zainal.

Parti PAS optimis dengan sokongan yang mereka dapat daripada rakyat Sarawak walaupun beberapa kali tewas semenjak 2001. 

Tiada halangan untuk Anwar dan Lim Kit Siang datang ke Sarawak, melainkan jika mereka menghasut rakyat. 

Penulis blog Sarawak sudah menjadikan laman siber sebagai cara untuk meluahkan perasaan mereka, untuk menuntut "sejarah semalam".

Kebanyakan penulisan mereka menyentuh kepada rintihan rakyat di luar bandar yang dikatakan kurang diambil perhatian. 

Para pemimpin negeri dianggap tiada inisiatif untuk berperang di laman siber bahkan jika adapun laman web tidak diselenggara dengan baik dan informasi kurang memberi kesan kepada rakyat. 

Book Review

Politik Sarawak by Ahmad Nidzamuddin Sulaiman (et al), (in Bahasa Melayu), Kuala Lumpur, 1994: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Ministry of Education Malaysia. Pp 224. ISBN 983-62-4339-9

 

Reviewer: Samsol Morshidi Bujang (putrasarawak)

“Politik Sarawak” is the most prominent book in Malaysian local Institute of Higher Learning. It still relevant until now and being used as the textbook for Malaysian Political Survey in local universities.

            Sarawak is the largest state in Malaysia. Composes by 2 million peoples . It was unique in term of ethnicity, and as the multi-racial state it was difficult to unite them as the one entity called Sarawakians. The largest population and Multi-racial ethnic group let them to establish their own entity according their ethnicity, Iban with their  Dayak Association, Melanau with their own, and Malay also uses their own identity to preserve their interest. The division of ethnicity are encourage the different need and makes them interlude in order to develop the state together.

            This book is divided into six chapters. Which written by four prominent Sarawak political scientists  An editor only focused on chapter two until the chapter five, this includes the discussion about the real-politics in Sarawak. This book is quite direct to the political situation in Sarawak during 25 years independence under Federation of Malaysia. It is the best answer to the historians who want to indicate their knowledge in the political situation in Sarawak

            In the chapter two, the article was written by Awang Raduan Awang Omar who anecdotes the Sarawak Political Development in Sarawak until 1991. He says, the political entity for Sarawak is based on the ethnic centric. Due to impress their interest in the Sarawak political scene, the political parties competing each other to get the memberships and their supporters even, it can let them into separation and division. The ‘politik rumah panjang ‘is the best example proof the consequence of the ethnic centric based political parties. Then he add the situation in 1980 until the end of 1980’s when the separation of two largest native parties in Sarawak i.e. Sarawak National Party and Parti Pesaka Bumiputra Bersatu of Barisan Nasional (National Front), Sarawak let the development of the opposition parties like Persatuan Rakyat Sarawak in 1987, Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS) in 1983, Parti Negara Sarawak (NEGARA) 1984 and the Independence candidates who tries to get their popularity among the voters. The Opposition Parties in Sarawak from the beginning are local based organization then in the 1991 state election the national opposition Democratic Action Party comes to acknowledge the democracy system in Sarawak.

            In order to reveal the Dayak ethnic group behaviour in politics, Nielson Ilan Mersat in his article in Chapter three again stress the behaviour of dayakism (racism) let them to the separatism desire. The separatism desire make the Malay-Islam becomes unite in order to take the opportunity in the state leadership. Even, history proves that Malay during 500 years until the colonialisation of British administration tend to rule Sarawak autonomously from the Kingdom of Brunei Darussalam. Sarawak National Party under the leadership of Stephen Kalong Ningkan and Sarawak Native Party (PESAKA) under the leadership of Penghulu Tawi Seli failed in order to maintain the hegemony of Dayak leadership in Sarawak during the first Phase of Independence.

            This book review also the first 20 years of Muslim leadership in Sarawak, starting from the leadership of Datuk Patinggi Haji Abdul Rahman Ya’kub (later, Tun) who has succeeded to unite Muslim into one roof of state ideology in tend to make Muslim in Sarawak become Par-Excellence in every fields of life. Otherwise, Muslim in Sarawak still maintains their life in poverty and remained the status poorest in the state. However, because of his political ambitious, in early 1978, his party (PBB) tends to broke out and disunity. His biasness to the Malay-Muslims officers in order to give the special privileges to the Melanau makes the Malay Muslims in his party insulted and quit from party and established the new alternative party called Parti Jati Rakyat Sarawak (PAJAR). Despite the fact that Abdul Rahman biasness in the party and the administration, PAJAR still failed to get any support from the voters in 1979 state election.

            During the time of Tan Sri Datuk Patinggi Haji Abdul Taib Mahmud (then Pehin Sri) the human developments in Sarawak was develop together with physical development. Muslims in Sarawak was enjoy in his administration and propagate Islam freely and organised many programme during his time. The Organisations based on Islam were established and re-established by the new name and functions to keep the Islamic dignity as a peaceful and charitable religion. The government of Sarawak endeavour the spirit of tolerance in the religious affair.  

            However in term of political scenario Taib (who was inherited the government from his uncle Abdul Rahman) facing a lot of problems not only from the oppositions, SNAP and the independence but his family problem with his uncle who still remains his power as a Sarawak Governor and powerful to interference the state administration. Taib nearly  descent his power by the unbelief vote from the State Assemblymen in order to press him to step-down from the Chief Minister position.

            Personally the full compliment upon this book as the good job by the political scientists and the historians who struggle in their effort to reveal the Sarawak political scenario. Very difficult to get the book which divulge the Sarawak political scenarios in many angles and perspectives. Commonly, many books are published to give the untruth about the political scenes in Sarawak, the biasness in the revealed the facts is the really bad job for certain writers. In order to make it is interesting they leave the principal of historical methodology even what they have revealed is lying and untruthfulness.